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Newsmakers
Moderator: Connie Doebele
January 6, 2008
3:00 p.m. ET
Female: This is Newsmakers, and on your screen is
former Senator David Boren of Oklahoma.
And on Monday, he will be co-hosting a meeting in Norman, Oklahoma that
some say could open the door for an independent to run for president of the
United States.
Joining us to question
Senator Boren on Newsmakers this week, Martin Kady of The Politico, and Bob
Cusack, the Managing Editor of The Hill.
Mr. Kady, we begin with you.
Martin Kady: Senator, what do you think about the results
of the Iowa caucuses first off? I mean,
Obama and Huckabee are candidates of change, candidates who would challenge the
status quo. Does that make you more
hopeful in terms of the tone of your bipartisan forum, you know, breaking
through the divisiveness and the polarization that you guys are trying to
overcome by having this bipartisan forum?
David Boren: Well, obviously without taking the side of
any individual candidate, because that’s not our purpose, it does give me hope
in the sense that I think that we had a lot of independents who came into the caucuses
this year. We had a lot of young people
who came into the caucuses, and these are groups that especially don't want to
see politics as usual.
They do want to see
change. They’re sick and tired of
“Let’s punch the emotional hot buttons and score political points and divide
the country,” and our message is we need to do just the opposite. We need to stop the polarization and unite
so we can deal with the real problem.
So I think – I think the people were trying to express that somehow in
the Iowa caucuses.
Bob Cusack: Do you think, Senator, though, that that
hurts your initiative because the voters have spoken, that they voted for
Senator Obama and Governor Huckabee, who have both stressed change? So the voters have spoken and that may hurt
your initiative?
David Boren: Well, really, our initiative is not to try
to launch an independent movement. I
think that, you know, of course, since Mayor Bloomberg is attending, and he’s
certainly an outstanding individual, that’s caused a lot of speculation that
our purpose is really to launch an independent movement. That’s not our main purpose. That’s not our first choice.
Our first choice is to see
the candidates of the existing two parties step up and present some specific
ideas. I think we’ve heard some good
general thrust here in the closing days of the Iowa campaign and the beginnings
of the New Hampshire campaign, but we haven’t heard specifics yet.
Will the – will the
candidates of the major parties, for example, truly appoint a bipartisan
candidate, have an American administration with talented people without regard
to party in both in key positions and in their administration? Will they work to create working groups that
can offset the influence of the (narrow) party caucuses to reach bipartisan
consensus?
So I think the next step, our
hope is to hear the candidates talk specifically about their strategies for
promoting a bipartisan consensus.
That’s our first choice.
I mean, personally, I like
our two-party system. It works – it has
worked most of our history. I believe in it.
I would far rather see our two parties work than to have to have an
independent movement. But I think the
possibility of an independent movement helps move that process forward, because
if the two parties don't rise to the occasion, then we do need a temporary
timeout, not a three-party system, but a temporary timeout as a shock therapy
to the two-party system.
Martin Kady: But at the same time, third parties have
rarely played a significant role in, you know, winning votes in the electoral
college. They’ve really been spoilers,
you know, taking away from one candidate or the other, whether it’s Ralph Nader
or Ross Perot.
Have you spoken to Bloomberg
about this? I mean, so much of the
attention that your confidence is going to be on Bloomberg, I mean, what role
do you think he would play should he decide to run?
David Boren: Well, I think he certainly wouldn’t run to
be a spoiler. I think he would only run
if he felt that, really, with the two ultimate choices of the two parties we were
back in the polarization, politics.
You know, when you look at
it, Perot received 19 percent of the vote.
And that was at a period of time in which frustrations were much less
than they are today with the two parties, and I think that’s really a
base. I think a person who was
well-financed who did not have to go to the special interest groups, for
example, for support, would be very strong.
But it depends on what the two parties do.
And as I say, my first choice
is to see the two parties respond. And
I hope they will. I hope what we’ll see
in the – in the days ahead is the candidates of both of the parties beginning
to talk about specifics for bipartisan strategies for getting bipartisan
consensus.
You know, you go back, people
come up to me on the street and they’re worried. And part of what caused me to pick up the phone and call Senator
Nunn and see if we could bring a group of people together who would work
together historically and who believe in bipartisanship was a poling data that
indicated, I think it was the Pew and Zogby polls, that for the first time in
memory, the American people, a majority, are pessimistic about our future. They believe our greatest days are behind
us. That is a – that’s a terrible
thing.
The health of the society is
measured by how we feel about the prospects for our future. And I think – I think under that –
underlying that feeling – that pessimism, that cynicism – is really anger over
what people see as continued party bickering instead of pulling us together,
uniting us to solve the problems.
Bob Cusack: Senator, as far as you said that an
independent bid is not your first choice, a two-part question here. Will you seek to meet with the candidates on
both sides of the aisle to talk about these issues about the bipartisan
cabinet?
And number two, you’ve been
around a while, an accomplished politician, you know how Washington works. You say an independent bid is not your first
choice. But what are the chances of an
independent bid? Are we talking 30
percent? Are we talking 40 percent? Or
is it more like 5?
David Boren: Oh, I think it’s very hard to say. I would say it’s not as negligible as 5
percent, but I wouldn’t say it’s as high as 50 percent. But I think it’s out there.
And you know, sometimes the
possibility of that happening helps cause the two-party system to operate in a
different way. I can't help but believe
that a lot of the candidates in this election would like to be talking about
the real issues that are going to shape our future.
Why is our standing in the
world at an all-time low? Why has
approval for this country dropped by three – 400 percent in just the last six years? What in the world are we going to do to get
some budgetary discipline back, reform the entitlement system that threatens to
consume all of our tax revenues within the next two decades, and stop the
selling off of all the assets of this country to those in Asia, the Middle East
and elsewhere?
People are really worried,
and they know that as long as we’re divided so sharply, one party is
automatically going to criticize the proposed solution of the other, that
nothing will ever happen.
I think about World War II
afterwards the Marshall Plan. Can you
imagine if we had had the partisan polarization then that we have now that we
could have ever taxed ourselves to rebuild the countries that have just been
fighting against us? No, it took a
Vandenberg, a Republican, and it took a Truman and a Marshall Democrat working
together.
And historically, we’ve done
that. We’ve been able to do it at
critical moments. This is a critical
moment.
Our strength’s eroding. People are frightened. People are pessimistic about our future.
And so, that’s a – I don’t
think these are normal times. I don’t
think these are the kinds of times that would make it impossible for an
independent movement to succeed.
Bob Cusack: But will you look to meet with the
candidates before you make that final decision on an independent bid?
David Boren: Oh, absolutely. And I want to point out, I certainly wouldn’t be the one making
that decision. I think that’ll be made
by other people and a lot of other people.
But what we hope to do is
issue an appeal at the end of our meetings, like Monday morning in a press
conference, an appeal to the candidates – a bipartisan appeal. And then it’ll be up to all of us, the
citizens. The media is going to play an
important role tying the candidates down.
What are your specifics for a
bipartisan strategy? Are you going to
set up bipartisan working groups to counterbalance the party caucuses? Are you going to appoint a bipartisan
candidate? What are you going to
do? What are you going to do on some of
these important issues? You know,
what’s your – what’s your plan for entitlement reform?
You know, it’s not only
citizens, it’s also the media. All of
us, I think, have a responsibility to really cause the candidates to address
these issues. And I think that maybe
many of the candidates have been wanting to have a catalyst that would push
them in those directions and instead of keeping them on what I would call the
more hot-button divisive issues, the social questions and others.
They’re not irrelevant, and
I'm not saying they shouldn’t be addressed, but not to the exclusion of the
things that are really going to determine what kind of country our children are
going to inherit.
Female: Senator Boren, before we go any further,
could you walk through the Monday meeting?
Tell us what it’s going to look like or what people will see.
David Boren: Well, we’ll actually start gathering on
Sunday evening in a private setting; in fact, in our home on the University of
Oklahoma campus. We’ll all be coming in
that evening. We’ll have dinner
together.
We’re going to listen to –
David Abshire, for example, is in our group, who heads the center for the study
of the presidency – an analysis of the kinds of qualities that are needed, the
issues that the next president must face.
And we’ll also have before us a draft that Senator Nunn and I have put
together – a draft of a joint statement that we hope we can fine-tune in the
course of our meetings and issue at the press conference at 11 o’clock on Monday
morning an appeal to the candidates – an appeal to all of us as Americans to
really refocus this presidential contest and make it a contest that will end up
with a bipartisan ability to govern instead of seeing a country more divided.
You know, we’ve ended up so
many of our recent presidential elections with a country more divided than when
we began, and we hope we can help to refocus the campaign so we’ll end up with
an ability to become more unified. So
that’s how it will play out.
We’ve been exchanging ideas
by e-mail, all the participants. And
now we’re going to sit down together and see if we can reach an appeal, a
consensus on a statement ourselves.
Bob Cusack: Well, Senator, can you give us maybe a sneak
preview of some of the specific principles or ideas we might see in this joint
statement? I mean, are you going to focus
on issues or more qualities that you'd like to see in a political debate?
David Boren: No, we’re going to focus on issues and of
course beginning with “What’s your strategy?” not just a general statement of
“I believe in bipartisanship. I believe
in bringing us together,” but “How are you going to do it? Are you really going to form a unity cabinet
like the British form, for example during World War II, when then had all the
parties very strongly represented not just in a token way but in a real unified
way? Are you – how are you going to set
up a structure that will hammer out a bipartisan consensus?”
I've always believed you
should put working groups together, that Republican and Democratic leaders are
the key committees. Let’s take national
security. Senator Nunn chaired Armed
Services when I was chairing Intelligence.
Put those groups together, Democratic and Republican leaders are the key
committees, and the President really sit down with them.
And the leaders of the
administration really sit down and have an executive congressional bipartisan
working group so that then you come out with your proposals. You find consensus first instead of just
letting the two-party caucuses come out with two diametrically opposing points
of view.
But then we’re going to say,
“OK, what’s your plan for entitlement reform to bring about budgetary
constraint? What is your plan to reengage with the rest of the world? How do we dust off diplomacy and learn how
to use it again?”
I was just shocked the other
day when I read a poll. I can't
remember whether it was Pew or Zogby that indicated that in Canada, Britain,
France and Germany, close friends of the United States, our neighboring
country, that the public at large, for example, had a more positive view of the
Russian government and its role in the world than they did of the
American. I'm talking about the general
public. That has to change.
What are the strategies that
the candidates have for doing that?
What are they going to do about energy independence not 20 years from
now but with a Manhattan-like project that’ll get it sooner? So, I would say, yes, it’s going to be
issue-focused.
Bob Cusack: Senator, what is – regardless of what you
come up with at this meeting, it’s going to be incumbent on the president, but
also congress. Are you going to meet
with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Majority Leader Reid about changing the tone
in Washington? What is the role of
Capitol Hill in this whole initiative?
David Boren: Well, the role of Capitol Hill of course is
vitally important, and we’re not a, you know, a self-appointed group of some
kind that feels we have the right to go out and act on behalf of the American
people. We’re just trying to express
what we think the American people are feeling.
The people have come up to me
on the sidewalk and say, “Whatever happened to statesmanship? Is it just gone? Is it forever something of the past?” But this is a group, and many members of congress, of course, are
in this group, former members of congress.
These are people who did reach across the aisle.
Many of those that are
meeting together have worked together on an ongoing basis for years when we
were in congress, and I don’t think we’re going around as a committee to sit
down and make demands upon the leaders in congress, for example, or even on the
presidential candidates. We hope this
is really an appeal to the citizens of the country.
And if bipartisanship is
espoused as a really important goal, and if not only citizens but the media
start to ask the candidates, “What’s your strategy? How are you going to implement this? What are you really going to do to change things?” I think that,
obviously, the congressional leaders will be responding to this as well.
And people have said to me,
“Do you think people will do this while they’re running for their party’s
nomination?” Yes, I do, because all you
need to do is look at the impact that the independents and the younger people
coming into the caucuses that Iowa had.
I think they’re trying to send a message, and I – there are a lot of
people who are Democrats and a lot of people who are Republicans proud of their
party affiliation, but they want to see bipartisanship first. They want to put the country first.
And so, I think – Sam Rayburn
used to say years and years ago, “To be a good Democrat, you have to first be a
good American.” And I think there are a
lot of people who feel that way. I
think it’s not only right, I think it’s good politics right now.
Martin Kady: Senators covering Capitol Hill, so much of
the focus is on winning legislative battles, you know, and you look at who the
chairman are and how they come from such opposite sides. We barely saw any conference committees this
year with both sides together in a room and hash things out. I mean, how can you expect to change the
culture of congress here when there’s so much focus on winning as opposed to
actually governing their way through legislation?
David Boren: Well, it’s not going to be easy, and
certainly, I'm not any Pollyanna about that.
I realize how difficult it was, and frankly, it’s one of the reasons I
decided to come home and become the president of the University of Oklahoma,
where I felt I could have an impact on the next generation.
Frustration with what I saw
is increasing partisanship, as you described it, and not getting together with
the leaders of both parties and committees, not working in conference
committees like we’re used to. But I think
that can be done, and it did exist for many years.
We’ve always had our party
differences, but you think about Lyndon Johnson and Everett Dirksen, you think
about the way they handled out – hammered out civil rights legislation, for
example. They’d fight on the floor of
the senate, go off have dinner together, a glass of wine, and before you know
it, there was a consensus worked out if the nation really needed a
consensus. So, we’ve proven we can do
it.
And I think the main thing is
that those in political leadership in the congress and the executive branch
need to really hear a message strongly from the American people about it. It needs to be really spelled out and there
need – there needs to be participation by the media as well, so citizens can
hold those accountable who refuse to reach bipartisan compromise.
Bob Cusack: Senator, what is going to be this
initiative’s role throughout 2008 and into 2009? In 2000, President Bush won the White House with the promise of
being a uniter, not a divider, and he acknowledged that he did not succeed in
that. So campaign promises are campaign
promises. How will you keep their feet
to the fire?
David Boren: Like we’ll have to do that. And, you know, that’s been frankly a big
disappointment about it.
I think one of the reasons
why President Bush received the votes that he did was that people looked at
what he did in Texas, which was very different than what he’s done as
president, where he really did have a much more bipartisan approach. The Democratic lieutenant governor was one
of his strong supporters, and then it didn’t continue because I think he
unfortunately started to listen to those that said, “Build up your own base,
(play the more) extreme supporters you have, energize them, that’s the way to
win politically,” and unfortunately, that happened. That’s the direction the administration went.
So I think it’s – but it can
happen. And I really think that a lot
of his appeal initially, when he was running for president, was his pledge to
be bipartisan.
So it’s not – the job’s not
over when the election’s over. I just
hope that this time we can have the kind of campaign that will allow someone to
govern in a bipartisan fashion, that with every passing presidential campaign
it seems that we end it even more divided, more polarized, red and blue and all
the rest of it, that we play up all of our divisions and the social issues and
other issues get emphasized, and we don’t spend enough time really thinking
about what we could unite about. So it
has to be continuing.
And it can't just be us. It can't be some 16 people who are coming
out here, half Democrats and half Republicans, to meet in Oklahoma. But I think what our voice does show – and
from our own personal histories, many of these people having worked together –
I think it shows it can happen and in fact, it did happen, and the culture did
exist in our own country, and it wasn’t 100 years ago or 50 years ago.
Sam Nunn, when he chaired
Armed Services and I chaired Intelligence, used to go down to the White House,
talked to Ronald Reagan, talked to General Powell, who was his national
security adviser; talked to Bush Sr. when he was president. And we even wrote documents, letters back
and forth that the president could use in negotiations with the Soviets in arms
control.
We worked hand and
glove. We worked on a national
strategy, and we sought work for many, many years during the Cold War, the
basics. Yes, there were times it broke
down.
There were times when there
were fights, but the basics of the Marshall Plan, containment, NATO and forming
real alliances and partnerships so we didn’t have to bear all the burden
ourselves. Those things happen. Those things work, and history proves that
they can work, and we just need to create the movement to do it again.
(Martin Kady): I'd like to get back to the Bloomberg
phenomena again because that is going to be a dominant theme at your conference
on Monday, and he would naturally have to pull from one base or another. He’s got a conservative record on fiscal
management in New York City, but on social issues almost across the board he’s
fairly liberal. He’s in line with
mainstream Democrats, if not a more liberal Democrat.
What base do you think he
would pull from? Would he hurt the
Democrats more? Would he – would he
take any Republican votes? Could he win
seriously red states?
David Boren: Well, I think that’s hard to say right
now. And, you know, again, I go back to
what I said a while ago, that’s not our first choice. If you have to have a timeout from the two-party system, I'd hate
to ever have a third party or a three-party system, maybe just a temporary
timeout, a shock therapy to the two parties that might be necessary. I hope it won't be.
I truly think he hopes it
won't be necessary. But I don’t think
he’d run if he thought he was just going to be a spoiler, take more votes away
from one party or another. I don’t
think he would run if this campaign works as it should and if the nominees of
the parties seem ready to govern in a bipartisan fashion.
But I think it’s – I think
that, undoubtedly, he would form a ticket, a sort of fusion ticket. He’s a former, most immediately, a
Republican office holder, maybe a conservative southern Democrat, and they like
Senator Nunn, for example, who’s my co-host in this conference who’s been a
conservative on social issues, for example.
Again, that would show you don’t have to agree two people running
together don’t have to have identical positions. They’re balanced.
That’s what we’re trying to
do, create a consensus, unified government where people learn how to reach
consensus, make compromises with each other and work together. I would – I would expect that if you were
going to run at all, you would form that kind of ticket that would have a broad
appeal.
And so I think it’d be very,
very difficult as we sit here today.
One, it’s far less than 50/50 chance I would say. I have no idea what the chances are that
that would ever happen that there will be such a candidacy. But if there did – if it did develop, I
think it’s impossible to say today which party it would draw more votes from.
And I don’t think that the
mayor would ever run unless he thought he could really win, and I don’t think
he would run unless he thought it was really necessary, so I take him at his
word that he’s happy where he is.
But the very possibility of
him running and not having to raise money, not having to be obligated to
special interest groups, being able to tell it like he sees it and perhaps have
a running mate that balances him on social issues and geographically, just that
possibility, I think, helps make the two parties more honest and perhaps more
ready to embrace the kind of bipartisan unity the country needs.
Bob Cusack: Senator, the mayor has been a bit coy on
whether he is going to launch a bid. Do
you think that he is the only one with his wealth that could actually be
viable, if he decided to go that route and launch an independent bid, that he
will be the only one, or perhaps, could he maybe bankroll somebody else?
David Boren: Well, you know, bankrolling someone else is
pretty difficult in the sense that you’re very limited in terms of what kind of
contributions you can receive and what volume of contributions from an outside
source. You have the right to spend
your own funds.
But, for example, if he
decided not to run, it still doesn’t mean that you couldn’t have a Sam Nunn or
Chuck Hagel or someone else really jump into this thing. Because as we saw in this campaign, and
beginning of course last time was the Howard Dean phenomenon with the Internet
and the ways of reaching people directly, if the timing were really right for
something this to happen – like this to happen. And we don’t know.
The next two months, I think,
will really tell us what happens on the campaign trail. It will tell us whether we’re in a polarized
situation that people are saying, “Oh, we’re going to have more of the same
unless we have another choice.” We
don’t know that yet.
The two parties may rise to
the occasion, and the two nominees may rise to the occasion.
But I think, still, you would
have the possibility to do it pretty quickly because the law says that you
start the process of getting on the ballot close to 900,000 signatures in all
50 states put together. It starts, I
believe, in Texas in early March. It
goes on for three or four months. You
would have to raise money very, very quickly.
But with the ability through the Internet and otherwise – other ways, I
think it still could be done even if Bloomberg decided not to be a candidate.
Female: Gentlemen, we have time for one more quick
question from either of you.
(Bob Cusack): Senator, you’re a Democrat, right?
David Boren: Yes.
(Bob Cusack): I mean, is there a Democrat in this race who
could cross that red/blue divide and win a state like Oklahoma? Could Hillary Clinton win Oklahoma? Could Barack Obama win Oklahoma in the
presidential race? Or is that an
impossibility?
David Boren: No, I don’t think it’s an
impossibility. I think it really
depends. I think it depends on what we
hear from them, and not just in generalities, but what we hear from them
specifically on the issues and in terms of their determination to have an
American administration as opposed to just a purely Democratic administration
or Republican administration.
People in a state like my
home state are independent-thinking and they want to put the country first, and
many of them are bipartisan. In the
most recent years, our state has tended to vote Republican, but many of those
people voting Republican are former Democrats.
And so I think they’re going to weigh the issues. I'd say, right now, too early to say.
I'm going to be
watching. I hope all citizens are going
to be watching the candidates and their answers to these challenges that we’re
bringing forth, and I hope the media, because after all, most of us only learn
from what we see and what we hear and what we read brought to us through the
media. You really are our channel of
education, and this is a challenge, I think, also quite honestly, for the media
to make sure that we don’t just focus on shallow things, but on the questions
and the issues that really matter. And
the media can do an awful lot to hold the candidate’s feet to the fire and help
educate us citizens so that we can respond.
Female: Senator, we’re almost out of time. One last question. You said that on Sunday night, you are going to have a private
gathering. I presume that means no
cameras, no reporters allowed.
David Boren: No, that’s right, just going to be the 16 of
us and the same over breakfast the next morning. Then, we’re going over to the – an auditorium on the campus. We’ll have an open press conference. It’ll also be open to the public to attend
and we’ll then, all of us, be talking about the things that we agree about,
issuing this bipartisan appeal and sharing it with American people.
Female: Senator David Boren was United States
senator from Oklahoma from 1979 to ’94, and prior that, from ’74 to ’78, the
governor of Oklahoma.
Thank you very much for
joining us today from Norman.
David Boren: Thank you very much.
Female: Appreciate it very much.
And back to you, gentlemen,
your reaction to what you heard.
Bob Cusack: I thought it was very interesting when he
put the numbers of the chances, and that’s what we’re interested in mostly,
whether Bloomberg will launch a bid not as low as 5 percent but less than 50
percent, and then later he said far less than 50 percent. But that’s what’s got us intrigued. They played a good media PR game here, and
he continued that in this interview, I think.
Female: What kind of PR game did you – have you all
seen coming out of this?
Martin Kady: Well, you know, they want the maximum amount
of exposure for this event and they’re getting it with Bloomberg, yet the
Bloomberg phenomena has a potential to overrun the sort of nice bipartisan
unity, blue sky stuff that they’re promoting, and then there’s going to be a
lot of media there camping out, you know.
Female: So it might come back to be of a detriment
to them?
Martin Kady: Well, I mean, it’ll draw attention to the
message, but everyone will leave saying, “Is Bloomberg in or out?” and it’s
going to be hard to, you know, get this bipartisan unity message to resonate. We’re going to be, you know – the next day,
we’re going to be back on the campaign trail saying, you know, “With Barack
Obama and Hillary Clinton going at each other, what’s ((inaudible)) going to do
back to the horserace but (to the attack ads)?” I mean, as a member of the media, I'm still skeptical about
whether this sort of feel-good stuff is going to resonate throughout this
campaign.
Female: You’re going to go out for this
meeting. You’ll be in Norman, Oklahoma.
Martin Kady: Yes, I'm (going to go to) Oklahoma.
Female: What are you going to be looking for?
Martin Kady: Well, I'm going to be looking for Mike
Bloomberg first to see if he’ll talk to us.
He told Ryan Seacrest on New Year’s Eve that he’s not running. Then, he told Meredith Vieira on the Today’s
show he’s not running, but you know, we can keep asking the questions and keep
speculating about what impact he’d have.
I mean, like I said earlier,
he’s got a fairly liberal record in New York City on social issues. It’s hard to imagine mainstream Republican
voters turning around and, you know, in sync.
Well, I'm going to vote for
the guy who’s pro-choice, pro-gay marriage, sue the gunmakers, had a tax
increase in New York City. So I think
that at first blush, Bloomberg could draw some disaffected Democrats.
Female: Bob Cusack, you questioned the senator about
the whole issue of Capitol Hill and Capitol Hill’s reaction on whether he is
talking to people on Capitol Hill. What
do you think of his response?
Bob Cusack: It’s very hard to actually carry out
bipartisanship. Democratic leaders on a
campaign trail in 2006 promised that the congress would be more bipartisan, but
it was really as partisan as ever. And
I think (that’s the real), and he acknowledged that today.
He acknowledged it’s so
difficult to change the culture on Capitol Hill, where campaigns never
stop. So that’s going to be their
biggest challenge. I think they can
make more headway with the candidates – presidential candidates than they can
with lawmakers.
Martin Kady: I mean, they have to change the culture of
Capitol Hill if they’re going to, you know, get this bipartisan unity
cooperation thing going again. I mean,
(I’ve said) we haven’t seen conference committees. That’s sort of one of those fundamental things you learn about
how a bill becomes a law while they get together in a room and the House and
Senate conferees work out their differences.
They don't even have
conference committees hardly at all anymore.
Both sides battle it up behind the scenes and then one side tries to –
the Democrats at this point tries to shove it through the House and then, you
know, break a filibuster in the Senate, and often, they fail to break any of
the filibusters, so gridlock is (reigning free) down at Capitol Hill.
Bob Cusack: There’s another element, that argument of
“What’s wrong with partisanship? We’ve
had it since the founding fathers. It’s
been around. That legislation doesn’t
get through the senate because it’s not bipartisan.” So some people, I don’t think that partisanship is such a bad
thing after all.
Female: Did either of you take anything away from
his – from him talking about the fact that some of this will be closed, that
basically the dinner will be closed, their breakfast will be closed, and then
they’re going to come out and talk?
(Bob Cusack): I think it is interesting. I mean, it’s – of course, as a
representative of the media, we like to see everything transparent and out in
the open.
But if they’re going to have
a strategy – and these guys are smart.
I mean, they have put this meeting between Iowa and New Hampshire, and
they’re getting a lot of media attention.
That’s smart. I do think that
they do need to talk privately and (what) is interesting ...
Female: And how specific do you think this joint
statement is going to be?
Martin Kady: They’re not going to take stands on
controversial issues. They’re not going
to say, “Here’s what we think should happen on Iraq, immigration, and national
health care.” Don’t expect that, even
though those are the top three issues that are being talked about on the
campaign trail.
They’ll say, “You need to
tackle entitlements.” It’s kind of, you
know, generic, vague thing. They’ll
say, “You need to be bipartisan. We’d
like to see a bipartisan candidate.”
I don’t expect either the
candidates in any – on either side of the presidential campaign to pick up
their statement and run with it and start talking about it in New
Hampshire. It’ll be a nice
chin-scratching exercise that will make them feel good about pushing this. But will it lead to any significant change
in the campaign trail? I'm skeptical.
Bob Cusack: I think they may have to put some meat on
the bones for this statement because that’s what people are going to be looking
for – the media, the public – what are you going to say that’s not generic? And if it’s some generic, and Martin said,
just (pursue) entitlement reforms and they don’t have anything original or
unique in it, I think this whole process could be subject to mockery.
Female: You’ve mentioned the fact that they’re a bit
– they would push the possibility of a bipartisan cabinet, (about) something
you could take to a candidate – to a presidential candidate.
Martin Kady: Yes, though it depends on what bipartisan
is. I (remember) Norman Mineta was part
of the “bipartisan cabinet” for President Bush’s first term. So are we talking half and half? Will the candidates actually commit to
that? Or will they commit to (share)? (We’ll) do a bipartisan one and then, well,
maybe pick kind of a token Republican, a token Democrat?
Female: Thank you both for joining us today. Bob Cusack is with The Hill newspaper. He’s managing editor. Martin Kady is a reporter for The Politico.
(Martin Kady): Thank you.
END