00:00:27
Dick Durbin Dick Durbin
00:00:32
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

WELCOME BACK, JUDGE KAVANAUGH. THE NEXT PERSON TO ASK QUESTIONS IS SENATOR DURBIN. >> THANK YOU, MR. CHAIRMAN. JUDGE KAVANAUGH, MRS. KAVANAUGH, THANK YOU FOR BEING BACK TODAY TO FACE THIS NEXT ROUND. IF I HAD TO PICK AN AREA OF CLEAR EXPERTISE WHEN IT COMES TO BRETT KAVANAUGH, IT WOULD BE THE AREA OF JUDICIAL NOMINATIONS. YOU HAVE BEEN ENGAGED IN THAT AT SEVERAL DIFFERENT LEVELS, INCLUDING YOUR OWN PERSONAL EXPERIENCE. AND SO I'D LIKE TO ASK YOU IF YOU WOULD COMMENT ON THE STRATEGY OF YOUR OWN NOMINATION. SPECIFICALLY, I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU WHETHER THOSE WHO WERE PLANNING THAT STRATEGY SAT DOWN AND CLEARED WITH YOU THEIR DECISION ON THE RELEASE OF DOCUMENTS. >> NO. I WAS NOT INVOLVED IN THE DOCUMENTS PROCESS OR SUBSTANCE. >> NO ONE TOLD YOU THAT YOU WOULD BE THE FIRST SUPREME COURT NOMINEE TO ASSERT EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE TO LIMIT THE ACCESS TO 100,000 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO YOUR SERVICE IN THE WHITE HOUSE? >> SENATOR, THERE'S A COUPLE THINGS PACKED IN YOUR QUESTION. I DID STUDY THE NOMINEE PRECEDENT, READ ALL THE HEARINGS. THIS CAME UP IN JUSTICE SCALIA'S HEARING SO I READ THAT WITH ALL HIS MEMOS FROM BEING HEAD OF THE OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL AND HE WAS ASKED ABOUT THAT. AND I KNOW WITH CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS THERE WERE FOUR YEARS OF INFORMATION WHEN HE WAS PRINCIPAL DEPUTY SOLICITOR GENERAL THAT THOSE WERE NOT DISCLOSED, EITHER. >> AS FOR WHITE HOUSE DOCUMENTS, YOU'RE BREAKING NEW GROUND HERE, OR I SHOULD SAY, COVERING UP OLD GROUND HERE? >> WELL, I GUESS I -- I GUESS -- AGAIN, I WASN'T INVOLVED IN THE DOCUMENTS DISCUSSION OR PROCESS OR SUBSTANCE IN TERMS OF THE DECISIONS THAT WERE MADE, BUT IN TERMS OF THINKING ABOUT THE ISSUE, IN TERMS OF QUESTIONS THAT COULD COME TO ME, LIKE JUSTICE SCALIA AND CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS RECEIVED, OR AT LEAST JUSTICE SCALIA DID, IT'S ALL WHITE HOUSE DOCUMENTS. >> BUT WHEN YOU REALIZE WHEN IT COMES TO THE ROLE OF NATIONAL ARCHIVES, WE'RE BEING ASKED TO GIVE YOU SPECIAL TREATMENT. >> I CAN'T COMMENT, BECAUSE I DON'T KNOW. >> JUDGE KAVANAUGH, THIS IS YOUR FIELD, JUDICIAL NOMINATIONS. THIS IS YOUR NOMINATION. >> LET ME ASK -- SORRY. >> YOU ARE NOW EMBARKING ON THIS JOURNEY IN THIS COMMITTEE, DENYING US ACCESS THE TO DOCUMENTS WHICH WERE ROUTINELY PROVIDED FOR OTHER JUDICIAL NOMINEES. YOU HAD TO HAVE KNOWN THAT WAS TAKING PLACE. >> SENATOR, I THINK WHAT JUSTICE SCALIA SAID WHEN HE WAS ASKED ABOUT HIS LEGAL MEMOS IS THE RIGHT THING, WHICH IS, THAT'S A DECISION FOR THE SENATE AND EXECUTIVE BRANCH TO WORK OUT. AS A NOMINEE, I WILL -- AND THERE ARE LONG-TERM PRIVILEGES AND PROTECTIONS, AS HE MENTIONED, THAT WERE INFECT FOR THAT DISCUSSION, AND IT'S NOT FOR THE NOMINEE TO MAKE THAT DECISION. >> WELL, THAT IS -- THAT'S AN INTERESTING COMMENT, BECAUSE THE WAY YOU'RE BEING PRESENTED TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, WITH ONLY 10% OF THE PUBLIC DOCUMENTATION THAT COULD BE PROVIDED TO THIS COMMITTEE IS GOING TO REFLECT ON YOU AND YOUR NOMINATION. AND OF COURSE YOU KNOW THAT. >> WELL, I GUESS I -- AGAIN, LOOKING AT THE NOMINEE PRECEDENT, SENATOR, THAT WAS TRUE IN JUSTICE SCALIA'S CASE. ALL HIS MEMOS FROM 1974 TO 1977, WHEN HE WAS HEAD OF THE OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL, A CONSEQUENTIAL TIME, AT LEAST AS I UNDERSTAND IT, THOSE MIGHT NOT HAVE BEEN DISCLOSED. HE'S ASKED ABOUT THAT, CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS, FOUR YEARS OF DEPUTY SOLICITOR GENERAL MEMOS, WHICH WOULD HAVE BEEN -- >> SO YOU'RE PERFECTLY FINE WITH THIS NOTION? >> NO, I SAID -- I AM, UM, IT'S UP TO THE CHAIRMAN AND YOU AND THE COMMITTEE, THE SENATE, AND THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH -- >> IN FAIRNESS, JUDGE KAVANAUGH, I THINK IT'S UP TO YOU. I THINK IT'S UP TO YOU. IF YOU SAID AT THIS MOMENT, TO THIS CHAIRMAN AND TO THIS COMMITTEE, STOP, PAUSE, HIT THE PAUSE BUTTON. I DON'T WANT ANY CLOUD OR SHADOW OVER THIS NOMINATION. I TRUST THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, I WANT THEM TO TRUST ME. I AM PREPARED TO DISCLOSE THOSE PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, TAKE SENATOR LEAHY'S LINE OF QUESTIONING. HE WAS NOT THE ONLY VICTIM OF MANNY MIRANDA. I WAS, AS WELL. AND I DIDN'T REALIZE THIS REPUBLICAN STAFFER HAD HACKED INTO MY COMPUTER, STOLEN MY STAFF MEMOS, AND RELEASED THEM TO THE "WALL STREET JOURNAL" UNTIL THEY SHOWED UP IN AN EDITORIAL. SO NOW YOUR KNOWLEDGE OF THIS, YOUR ROLE IN THIS IS -- WE'RE LIMITED TO EVEN DISCUSS, BECAUSE OF THE FACT THAT WE ARE CLASSIFYING AND WITHHOLDING INFORMATION ABOUT YOUR NOMINATION. FIRST, A MR. BILL BURKE, WHO HAS SOME MAGIC POWER TO DECIDE WHAT THE AMERICAN PEOPLE WILL SEE ABOUT YOUR ROLE IN THE WHITE HOUSE. THEN THE DECISION BY THOSE WHO PUT YOUR NOMINATION BEFORE US TO TAKE 35 MONTHS OF YOUR SERVICE AS STAFF SECRETARY TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND TO EXCLUDE THE DOCUMENTS. THEN, THE UNILATERAL CLASSIFICATION OF DOCUMENTS COMING TO THIS COMMITTEE, IS COMMITTEE CLASSIFIED IN A MATTER THAT NO ONE HAS EVER SEEN IN THE HISTORY OF THIS COMMITTEE. JUDGE KAVANAUGH, THAT REFLECTS ON YOUR REPRESENTATION AND YOUR CREDIBILITY. IF YOU SAID AT THIS MOMENT, I DON'T WANT TO HAVE A CLOUD OVER THIS NOMINATION, I'M PREPARED TO SUGGEST TO THE COMMITTEE AND ASK THE COMMITTEE, HUMBLY, PLEASE, WITHHOLD FURTHER HEARINGS UNTIL YOU DISCLOSE EVERYTHING. WHY WON'T YOU DO THAT? >> SENATOR, I DO NOT BELIEVE THAT'S CONSISTENT WITH WHAT PRIOR NOMINEES HAVE DONE WHO HAVE BEEN IN THIS CIRCUMSTANCE. IT'S A DECISION FOR THE SENATE AND THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH. JUSTICE SCALIA EXPLAINED THAT VERY CLEARLY, I THOUGHT, IN HIS HEARING. >> ARE YOU HAPPY WITH THAT DECISION? >> I DO NOT -- IT'S NOT FOR ME TO SAY, SENATOR. THIS IS A DECISION -- THE LONG-TERM INTERESTS OF THE SENATE AND THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH, PARTICULARLY THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH, ARE AT PLAY. AND JUSTICE SCALIA, AGAIN, EXPLAINED THAT WELL, I THOUGHT, IN HIS -- >> I WASN'T HERE FOR JUSTICE SCALIA. >> LET ME INTERRUPT WITHOUT TAKING TIME AWAY FROM HIM. THE NOMINEE DOESN'T NEED ANY HELP FROM ME TO ANSWER THIS. BUT WE DON'T CARE WHAT THE NOMINEE THINKS. WE'VE GOT TO FOLLOW THE PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS ACT. AND THAT'S WHAT WE'RE FOLLOWING, IS THE LAW. >> MR. CHAIRMAN, WITH ALL DUE RESPECT, FOLLOWING THE PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS ACT INVOLVES THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES. THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES IS NOT INVOLVED IN THIS PROCESS. IT'S A MR. BILL BURKE, WHO WAS A FORMER ASSISTANT TO THE NOMINEE, WHO HAS DECIDED WHAT WILL BE WITHHELD, WHAT IS GOING TO BE COMMITTEE CONFIDENTIAL. SO IT ISN'T THE PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS ACT, PLEASE. >> WELL, STILL, LET ME MAKE CLEAR HERE, WE ANTICIPATE SOME OF THIS, SO LET ME READ. CRITICIZE THE COMMITTEE PROCESS FOR OBTAINING JUDGE KAVANAUGH'S RECORDS. THEY HAVE ACCUSED US OF CUTTING THE NATIONAL ARKOOISCHIVES OUT OF THE PROCESS. SO THIS IS WHERE I WANT TO SET THE RECORD STRAIGHT. PRESIDENT BUSH ACTED CONSISTENTLY WITH FEDERAL LAW WHEN HE EXPEDITED THE PROCESS AND GAVE US UNPRECEDENTED ACCESS IN RECORD TIME TO JUDGE KAVANAUGH'S RECORD, BUT WE HAVE WORKED HAND IN GLOVE WITH THE ARCHIVES THROUGHOUT THIS PROCESS AND THE DOCUMENTS THIS COMMITTEE RECEIVED ARE THE SAME AS IF THE ARCHIVES HAD DONE THE INITIAL REVIEW. IN FACT, THE ARCHIVES IS NOT PERMITTED BY LAW TO PRODUCE RECORDS TO THE COMMITTEE WITHOUT GIVING BOTH PRESIDENT BUSH AND A CURRENT PRESIDENT AN OPPORTUNITY TO REVIEW. THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES WAS NOT CUT OUT OF THE ...

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00:08:20
Dick Durbin Dick Durbin

PROCESS. AS PRESIDENT BUSH'S REPRESENTATIVE INFORMED THE COMMITTEE, QUOTE, FROM HIS LETTER, BECAUSE WE HAVE SOUGHT, RECEIVED, AND FOLLOWED ARCHIVIST VIEWS ON ANY DOCUMENTS WITHHELD AS PERSONAL DOCUMENTS, THE RESULTING PRODUCTION OF DOCUMENTS TO THE COMMITTEE IS ESSENTIALLY THE SAME AS IF NARA HAD CONDUCTED ITS REVIEW FIRST, AND THEN SOUGHT OUR VIEWS AND THE CURRENT ADMINISTRATION VIEWS AS REQUIRED BY LAW. IN OTHER WORDS, THE DOCUMENTS THIS COMMITTEE RECEIVED ARE THE SAME AS IF THE ARCHIVES HAD DONE THE INITIAL REVIEW. WE'RE JUST ABLE TO GET THE DOCUMENTS FASTER BY DOING IT THIS WAY, WHICH GAVE THE SENATE AND THE AMERICAN PEOPLE UNPRECEDENTED ACCESS IN RECORD TIME TO A SUPREME COURT NOMINEE RECORD. CONTINUE. >> CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES HAVE STATED PUBLICLY TO THE WAY THAT WE ARE HANDLING THE RECORDS FOR THIS NOMINATION ARE UNPRECEDENTED AND THEY'VE HAD NOTHING TO DO WITH IT. THEY HAVE ASKED UNTIL THE END OF OCTOBER TO PRODUCE RECORDS. AND THEY HAVE BEEN TOLD, WE DON'T NEED YOU, WE'RE GOING TO FINISH THIS HEARING LONG BEFORE THEN. I WOULD LIKE TO ASK BE PLACED IN THE RECORD THE STATEMENT FROM THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES, RELATED TO THE RECORDS RELATED TO JUDGE KAVANAUGH. I HAVE PLACED CONSENSUS IN THE RECORD. >> I'M SORRY? >> STATEMENT FROM THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES. >> PUT IN THE RECORD? YES, WITHOUT OBJECTION. >> NOW I'M GOING TO THROW YOU A PITCH WHICH YOU HAVE SEEN COMING FOR 12 YEARS. I WANT TO TALK TO YOU ABOUT THE 2006 TESTIMONY WHICH YOU GAVE BEFORE THIS COMMITTEE. IT WAS AT A DIFFERENT TIME. WE WERE VERY CONCERNED ABOUT THE ISSUE OF TORTURE AND DETENTION AND INTERROGATION. YESTERDAY, I ASKED YOU TO SHOW THE AMERICAN PEOPLE THAT YOU HAVE NOTHING TO HIDE BY COMING CLEAN WITH US ON THIS ISSUE. AND I WOULD LIKE TO REFER SPECIFICALLY TO SOME OF THE QUESTIONS THAT WERE RAISED BECAUSE OF THAT 2006 TESTIMONY. I BELIEVE WE HAVE HERE A STATEMENT -- MY QUESTION, AS WELL AS YOUR RESPONSE. AND I'M SURE YOU'VE SEEN THIS, BECAUSE IT'S BEEN REPORTED IN THE PAPER THAT YOU'VE BEEN WAITING FOR THIS QUESTION FOR A LONG TIME. WHEN I WAS BACK IN THE DAY, A TRIAL ATTORNEY, PREPARING A WITNESS FOR INTERROGATION, TESTIMONY, DEPOSITION, GIVING TESTIMONY AT TRIAL, I SAID TWO THINGS, TELL TRUTH, AND DON'T ANSWER MORE THAN YOU'RE ASKED. DON'T VOLUNTEER INFORMATION. JUDGE KAVANAUGH, YOU FAILED ON THE SECOND COUNT. >> THE QUESTION I ASKED YOU, WHAT WAS YOUR ROLE IN THE ORIGINAL HAYNES NOMINATION DECISION TO RE-NOMINATE HIM. AND AT THE TIME OF THE NOMINATION, WHAT DID YOU KNOW ABOUT MR. HAYNES' ROLE IN CRAFTING THE INTERROGATION POLICIES? YOUR RESPONSE. SENATOR, I DID NOT. I WAS NOT INVOLVED AND AM NOT INVOLVED IN THE QUESTIONS ABOUT THE RULES GOVERNING DETENTION OF COMBATANTS OR, AND SO I DO NOT HAVE THE INVOLVEMENT WITH THAT. AND WITH RESPECT TO MR. HAYNES' NOMINATION, I HAVE KNOWN JIM HAYNES, BUT IT WAS NOT ONE OF THE NOMINATIONS THAT I HANDLE. >> CAN YOU RAISE IT A LITTLE HIGHER? I CAN'T SEE THE BOTTOM. GOT IT. >> I ASKED YOU ABOUT THIS WHEN WE HAD A MEETING IN MY OFFICE. >> YES. >> AND I STILL DON'T UNDERSTAND YOUR ANSWER, IN TERMS OF HOW YOU COULD STATE AS CLEARLY AND UNEQUIVOCALLY, I WAS NOT INVOLVED AND AM NOT INVOLVED IN THE QUESTIONS ABOUT THE RULES GOVERNING THE DETENTION OF COMBATANTS. YOU WERE INVOLVED IN THE DISCUSSIONS ABOUT ACCESS TO COUNSEL FOR DETAINEES. YOU CONFIRMED THIS DURING THE MEETING WE HAD IN MY OFFICE AND THERE ARE MULTIPLE MEDIA REPORTS, AS WELL. YOU WERE INVOLVED IN DISCUSSIONS REGARDING DETAINEE INGING DETAINED U.S. COMBATANTS, YASSER HAMDI AND JOSE PAPADILLA. YOU CONFIRMED THAT. AND YOU WERE INVOLVED ...

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00:12:18
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

WITH PRESIDENT BUSH'S 2005 SIGNING STATEMENT ON SENATOR JMOHN McCAIN'S AMENDMENT BANNING CRUEL AND DEGRADING TREATMENT OF DETAINEES. YOU CONFIRMED THAT IN THE MEETING. THERE WERE NO EXCEPTIONS IN YOUR ANSWER GIVEN TO ME IN 2006, NOT FOR LITIGATION OR DETAINEE ACCESS TO COUNSEL OR THE McCAIN AMENDMENT. SO IF THOSE THREE BASED ON THE LIMITED DOCUMENTS WHICH WE'VE BEEN GIVEN ARE OBVIOUS, WHAT WERE YOU TRYING TO TELL ME HERE? DID YOU REALLY DISCLOSE ACCURATELY YOUR ROLE? YES. I UNDERSTAND THE QUESTION THEN AND MY ANSWER THEN AND I UNDERSTAND -- [ ...

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00:13:00
Dick Durbin Dick Durbin

PROTESTERS PROTESTING ] >> GO AHEAD. >> I UNDERSTAND THE QUESTION THEN AND THE ANSWER THEN AND I UNDERSTAND THE QUESTION NOW AND THE ANSWER NOW, TO BE 100% ACCURATE. YOU WERE CONCERNED ABOUT WHETHER I WAS INVOLVED IN THE PROGRAM THAT TWO OTHER NOMINEES HAD BEEN INVOLVED IN. AND THE REPORT THAT SENATOR FEINSTEIN PRODUCED, THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT REPORT, THEY SHOWED THAT I ...

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00:13:34
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

WASN'T. IN OTHER WORDS, THE PROGRAM, CRAFTING THE PROGRAM FOR THE EN ENHANCED INTERROGATION TECHNIQUES FOR THE DETAINEES. >> MR. -- JUDGE KAVANAUGH, THAT'S NOT THE QUESTION. DO YOU SEE ME ASKING WHETHER YOU CRAFTED THE PROGRAM? I DIDN'T. I ASKED YOU ABOUT YOUR INVOLVEMENT IN THE HAYNES -- AND THEN YOU -- CRAFTING -- YES. THEN YOU WENT FURTHER, YOU VIOLATED THE SECOND RULE I GIVE TO EVERY WITNESS. YOU ANSWERED MORE THAN I ASKED. THE FIRST ONE, I TOLD THE TRUTH. WELL, YOU VOLUNTEERED MORE INFORMATION THAN I ASKED AND YOU WENT FURTHER THAN YOU SHOULD HAVE. BECAUSE IN THE THREE SPECIFIC INSTANCES I'VE GIVEN YOU, YOU CLEARLY WERE INVOLVED IN QUESTIONS ABOUT RULES, GOVERNING DETENTION OF COMBATANTS. SO I UNDERSTOOD THE QUESTION THEN AND I UNDERSTAND IT NOW IN MY ANSWER ABOUT THAT PROGRAM. I TOLD THE TRUTH ABOUT THAT. AND IN THE REPORTS THAT HAVE COME OUT SUBSEQUENTLY HAVE SHOWN I TOLD THE TRUTH ABOUT THAT. MY NAME IS NOT IN THOSE REPORTS. NOW, FOR THE 2005 SIGNING STATEMENT, BY THAT TIME, I'M IN STAFF SECRETARY OFFICE. AND EVERYTHING THAT WENT TO THE PRESIDENT'S DESKS, EVERYTHING THAT WENT TO THE PRESIDENT'S DESKS, WITH A FEW COVERT EXCEPTIONS, WOULD HAVE SOMEHOW CROSSED MY DESK ON THE WAY. SO UHYOU ASKED, ON A SIGNING STATEMENT, IT WOULD HAVE CROSSED MY DESK ON THE WAY. SO WOULD A SPEECH DRAFT ON THE IRAQ WAR. SO WOULD A SPEECH -- YOU KNOW, THOSE THINGS WOULD HAVE CROSSED MY DESK. PREPARED BY OTHERS, NOT PREPARED BY ME, BUT THEY CROSSED MY DESK ON THE WAY TO THE PRESIDENT. IN THE 2006 HEARING, YOU TOLD CHAIRMAN ARLEN SPECTER, YOU GAVE PRESIDENT BUSH ADVICE ON SIGNING STATEMENTS, INCLUDING, QUOTE, IDENTIFYING POTENTIAL CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES IN LEGISLATION. DID YOU MAKE ANY COMMENTS REGARDING THE DECEMBER 30th, 2005 SIGNING STATEMENT ON THE McCAIN TORTURE AMENDMENT, KD INCLUDING POTENTIAL CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES? I CAN'T RECALL WHAT I SAID. I DO RECALL THERE WAS ...

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00:15:38
Dick Durbin Dick Durbin

A GOOD DEAL OF INTERNAL DEBATE ABOUT THAT SIGNING STATEMENT, AS YOU WOULD IMAGINE THERE WOULD BE. I REMEMBER THAT IT WAS CONTROVERSIAL INTERNALLY AND I REMEMBER THAT I THOUGHT, AND I CAN'T REMEMBER ALL OF THE INS AND OUTS OF WHO THOUGHT WHAT, BUT I DO REMEMBER THAT A COUNSEL OF THE PRESIDENT WAS IN CHARGE, ULTIMATELY, OF SIGNING STATEMENTS IN TERMS OF THE FINAL RECOMMENDATION TO THE PRESIDENT. >> AND JUST A FEW MONTHS LATER, YOU, UNDER OATH TOLD US YOU WERE NOT INVOLVED IN ANY OF THE QUESTIONS ABOUT THE RULES GOVERNING DETENTION OF COMBATANTS. >> SENATOR, AGAIN, WE WERE, AT LEAST I UNDERSTOOD IT THEN AND I UNDERSTAND IT NOW TO BE REFERRING TO THE PROGRAM THAT WE WERE TALKING ABOUT THAT WAS VERY CONTROVERSIAL, THAT SENATOR FEINSTEIN SPENT YEARS TRYING TO DIG INTO. AND I WAS -- I WAS NOT READ INTO THAT PROGRAM. I TOLD THE TRUTH ABOUT THAT AND, UM -- >> LET ME GO TO ANOTHER AREA OF QUESTIONING, IF I CAN. THANK YOU VERY MUCH. IN YOUR DISSENT IN GARZA VERSUS HARRGAN, YOU WROTE THAT THE COURT HAD CREATED A NEW RIGHT FOR UNLAWFUL UNITED STATES MINORS IN DETENTION TO OBTAIN IMMEDIATE ABORTION ON DEMAND. THEREBY BARRING ANY GOVERNMENT EFFORTS TO EXPEDITIOUSLY TRANSFER THE MINORS TO THEIR IMMIGRATION SPONSORS BEFORE THEY MAKE THAT MOMENTOUS LIFE DECISION. YOU ARGUED THAT PERMITTING THE GOVERNMENT ADDITIONAL TIME TO FIND A SPONSOR FOR YOUNG WOMEN IN THE CASE DID NOT IMPOSE AN UNDUE BURDEN, EVEN THOUGH THE GOVERNMENT'S CONDUCT IN THE CASE HAD ALREADY FORCED HER TO DELAY HER DECISION ON A ABORTION BY SEVERAL WEEKS. WE ARE TALKING ABOUT A YOUNG WOMAN, CHARACTERIZED AS JANE DOE, WHO DISCOVERED SHE WAS PREGNANT AFTER CROSSING THE BORDER INTO THE UNITED STATES. SHE MADE A PERSONAL DECISION THAT SHE WAS NOT READY TO BE A PARENT AND DID NOT WANT TO CONTINUE HER PREGNANCY. SHE WENT THROUGH EVERY STEP NECESSARY TOFR COMPLYE TO COMPLY WITH TEXAS STATE LAW AS WELL AS STEPS FORCED ON HER BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. SHE VISITED A RELIGIOUS ANNE T-ABORTION CRISIS PREGNANCY CENTER, WENT AN ULTRASOUND FOR NO MEDICAL PURPOSE AND WENT BEFORE A JUDGE AND OBTAINED A JUDICIAL BYPASS OF THE STATE'S PARENTAL CONSENT REQUIREMENTS. IN OTHER WORDS, THIS YOUNG WOMAN COMPLIED WITH EVERY LEGAL REQUIREMENT, INCLUDING TEXAS STATE REQUIREMENTS PLACED IN FRONT OF HER, SO SHE COULD MOVE FORWARD WITH HER DECISION. A DECISION AFFECTING HER BODY AND HER LIFE. DO YOU BELIEVE THAT THIS WAS AN ABORTION ON DEMAND? >> SENATOR, THE GARZA CASE INVOLVED FIRST AND FOREMOST, A MINOR. IT'S IMPORTANT TO EMPHASIZE, IT WAS A MINOR. >> YES. >> SO SHE HAD BEEN -- AND SHE'S IN AN IMMIGRATION FACILITY IN THE UNITED STATES, SHE'S FROM ANOTHER COUNTRY. SHE DOES NOT SPEAK ENGLISH. SHE'S BY HERSELF. IF SHE HAD BEEN AN ADULT, SHE WOULD HAVE A RIGHT TO OBTAIN THE ABORTION IMMEDIATELY. AS A MINOR, THE GOVERNMENT ARGUED THAT IT WAS PROPER OR APPROPRIATE TO TRANSFER HER QUICKLY FIRST TO AN IMMIGRATION SPONSOR. WHO IS AN IMMIGRATION SPONSOR, YOU ASK? IT IS A FAMILY MEMBER OR FRIEND WHO SHE WOULD NOT BE FORCED TO TALK TO BUT, SHE COULD CONSULT WITH IF SHE WANTED ABOUT THE DECISION FACING HER. SO WE HAD TO ANALYZE THIS, FIRST ADDS A MINOR AND THEN FOR ME, THE FIRST QUESTION ALWAYS, WHAT'S THE PRECEDENT? THE PRECEDENT ON POINT FROM THE SUPREME COURT IS THERE IS NO CASE ON EXACT POINTS, SO YOU DO WHAT YOU DO IN ALL CASES, WHAT'S THE CLOSEST BODY OF LONG POINT? THE PARENTAL CONSENT DECISIONS OF THE SUPREME COURT, WHERE THEY'VE REPEATEDLY UPHELD PARENTAL CONSENT LAWS OVER THE OBJECTION OF DISSENTERS, WHO THOUGHT THAT'S GOING TO DELAY THE PROCEDURE TOO LONG, UP TO SEVERAL WEEKS. AND I'M GETTING TO THE POINT, I'M GETTING TO THE POINT. >> BEFORE YOU GET TO THE POINT, YOU'VE JUST BYPASSED THING. YOU JUST BYPASSED THE JUDICIAL BYPASS, WHICH SHE RECEIVED FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS, WHEN IT CAME TO PARENTAL CONSENT. THAT'S ALREADY HAPPENED HERE. AND YOU'RE STILL STOPPING HER. >> I'M NOT. THE GOVERNMENT IS ARGUING THAT PLACING HER WITH AN IMMIGRATION SPONSOR WOULD ALLOW HER, IF SHE WISHED, TO CONSULT WITH SOMEONE ABOUT THE DECISION. THAT IS NOT THE PURPOSE OF THE STATE BYPASS PROCEDURE. I WANT TO BE VERY CLEAR ABOUT THAT. >> BUT JUDGE, THE CLOCK IS TICKING. >> IT IS. THE CLOCK IS TICKING. 20-WEEK CLOCK IS TICKING. SHE MADE THE DECISION EARLY IN THE PREGNANCY AND ALL THAT I DESCRIBED TO YOU IN JUDICIAL DECISIONS, THE CLOCK IS TICKING. AND YOU ARE SUGGESTING SHE SHOULD HAVE WAITED TO HAVE A SPONSOR APPOINTED, WHO SHE MAY OR MAY NOT HAVE CONSULTED IN MAKING THIS DECISION. >> AGAIN, I'M A JUDGE. I'M NOT MAKING THE POLICY DECISION. MY JOB IS TO DECIDE WHETHER THAT POLICY IS CONSISTENT WITH LAW. WHAT DO I DO? I LOOK AT PERSISTENT AND THE MOST ANALOGOUS PERSISTENT IS THE PARENTAL CONSENT PRECEDENT. FROM KC HAS THIS FACE. MINORS BENEFIT FROM CONSULTATION ABOUT ABORTION. IT'S A QUOTE, TALKING ABOUT CONSULTATION WITH PARENTS. >> SO YOU ARE ADDING A REQUIREMENT HERE, BEYOND THE STATE OF TEXAS ROIRLTS THAT THERE BE SOME SPONSOR CHOSEN WHO MAY OR MAY NOT BE CONSULTED FOR THIS DECISION. AND THE CLOCK IS TICKING ON HER PREGNANCY. >> SO A COUPLE OF THINGS THERE, SENATOR. YOU SAID YOU ARE ADDING. I'M NOT ADDING. I'M A JUDGE. THE POLICIES BEING MADE BY OTHERS, I'M DECIDING WHETHER THE POLICY IS THEN CONSISTENT WITH SUPREME COURT PERSISTENT. THERE ARE TWO THINGS TO LOOK AT IN THIS CONTEXT, SENATOR. FIRST, IT'S THE GOVERNMENT'S GOAL REASONABLE IN SOME WAY? AND THEY SAY, WE WANT THE MINOR TO HAVE THE OPPORTUNITY TO CONSULT ABOUT THE ABORTION. WELL, THE SUPREME COURT PERSISTENT SPECIFICALLY SAYS, SPECIFICALLY SAYS THAT THAT'S AN APPROPRIATE OBJECTIVE. >> WAS THIS A STATE REQUIREMENT? >> THE SECOND QUESTION -- >> WAS THAT A STATE REQUIREMENT? >> THE SECOND QUESTION IS THE DELAY, YOUR POINT, IN THE PARENTAL CONSENT CASES OF THE SUPREME COURT RECOGNIZE THAT THERE COULD BE SOME DELAY, BECAUSE OF THE PARENTAL CONSENT PROCEDURES AND IN FACT, JUSTICES MARSHALL, BRENNAN, AND BLACKMAN REPEATEDLY DISSENTED IN CASES BECAUSE THEY THOUGHT THE DELAY WAS TOO LONG. I QUOTED ALL OF THAT IN MY GARZA OPINION, AND I MADE CLEAR, IT HAD TO HAPPEN VERY QUICKLY. AND I LOOKED AT THE TIME OF THE PREGNANCY TO MAKE SURE THAT SAFETY, I SPECIFICALLY TALK ABOUT SAFETY. I SPECIFICALLY SAY THAT THE GOVERNMENT CANNOT USE THIS AS A RUSE TO SOMEHOW PREVENT THE ABORTION. I SPENT A PARAGRAPH TALKING ABOUT, SHE WAS IN AN UNDENIABLEY DIFFICULT SITUATION. SOY TRIED TO RECOGNIZE THE REAL-WORLD EFFECTS ON HER. I SAID, CONSIDER THE CIRCUMSTANCES. SHE'S A 17-YEAR-OLD, BY HERSELF, IN A FOREIGN COUNTRY, IN A FACILITY WHERE SHE'S DETAINED IN AND SHE HAS NO ONE TO TALK TO AND SHE'S PREGNANT. NOW, THAT IS A DIFFICULT SITUATION. I TRIED TO RECOGNIZE AND UNDERSTAND THAT. AND THEN AS A JUDGE, NOT THE POLICY MAKER, I TRIED TO UNDERSTAND WHETHER THE GOVERNMENT'S POLICY WAS CONSISTENT WITH THE SUPREME COURT'S PRECEDENTS. AND I DID THE BEST I COULD. AND I SAID ON THOSE PARENTAL CONSENT PREGNANT SCEDENTS, SOME PEOPLE DISAGREE WITH THOSE PRECEDENTS AND THINK THOSE KIND OF STATUTES SHOULD NOT BE ALLOWED. BUT A PRECEDENT'S NOT LIKE A CAFETERIA, WHERE I CAN TAKE THIS, BUT NOT THAT. I HAD TO TAKE K.C. IN COMPLETELY. K.C. REAFFIRMED ROE -- >> I HAVE SOME OTHER QUESTIONS, SO I WOULD LIKE -- >> WELL, IT'S AN IMPORTANT QUESTION. >> IT'S A CRITICAL QUESTION. >> I DID MY LEVEL BEST IN AN EMERGENCY POSTURE. SO I HAD BASICALLY TWO DAYS. >> IT WAS A 2-1 DECISION WHICH YOU DISSENTED FROM? >> I DID THE BEST ...

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00:23:52
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

TO FOLLOW PRECEDENT AND AS I ALWAYS TRY TO DO, BE AS CAREFUL AS I CAN IN FOLLOWING THE PRECEDENT OF THE SUPREME COURT. >> LET ME ASK YOU A PERSONAL QUESTION. WHAT'S THE DIRTIEST, HARDEST JOB YOU'VE EVER HAD IN YOUR LIFE? >> I WORKED CONSTRUCTION WHEN I WAS -- THE SUMMER AFTER I WAS 16 FOR A SUMMER, 7:00 A.M. TO 3:30 P.M. MY DAD DROPPED ME OFF EVERY ...

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00:24:21
Dick Durbin Dick Durbin

MORNING AT 7:00, 6:55, HE WANTED ME TO BE EARLY. AND THAT'S -- THAT'S PROBABLY THE ONE. AND I SHOULD ALSO SAY, SENATOR, I HAD WHAT -- ONE PERSON, I GUESS, I GUESS, LAWN BUSINESS FOR A LONG SUMMER. I CUT A LOT OF LAWNS. THAT'S HOW I MADE SOME CASH. I STARTED THAT PROBABLY EIGHTH GRADE, MAYBE SEVENTH GRADE. I CUT MY PARENT'S LAWN, BUT I CUT A LOT OF LAWNS IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD AND DISTRIBUTED FLYERS ALL OVER THE PLACE TO SAY, IF YOU NEED YOUR LAWN CUT, CALL ME. SO LAWN CUTTING AND THEN THE CONSTRUCTION JOB THE ONE SUMMER. >> MY DIRTIEST JOB I EVER HAD WAS FOUR SUMMERS WORKING IN A SLAUGHTERHOUSE. >> YES. >> I ALWAYS WANTED TO GO BACK TO COLLEGE. >> YES. >> COULDN'T WAIT TO GET OUT OF THERE. IT WAS UNBEARABLE. IT WAS DIRTY, IT WAS HOT >> THE THINGS I DID WERE UNIMAGINABLE AND I WOULDN'T EVEN START TO REPEAT THEM. THEN CAME A CASE BEFORE YOU CALLED AGRO PROCESSER COMPANY VERSUS NRBB. AT LEAST A THIRD OF THE WORKERS, JUDGE KAVANAUGH, IN OUR NATION'S SLAUGHTERHOUSES ARE IMMIGRANTS. IT STANDS -- VISITS TO IOWA OR ILLINOIS, PROBABLY DELAWARE, YOU PICK IT. YOU'RE GOING TO FIND A LOT OF IMMIGRANTS DOING THESE MISERABLE, STINKING, HOT JOBS. MANY OF THEM ARE UNDOCUMENTED. THE WORK IS LOW PAY AND DANGEROUS. AND AS THE GAO IS NOTED, IMMIGRANTS ARE PRESSURED NOT TO EVEN REPORT INJURIES ON THE JOB. IT WAS A NOTORIOUS MEAT PACKING COMPANY OWNED BY SHAHRAM LABASKIN WHO WAS CONVICTED OF FRAUD AND MONEY LAUNDERING IN 2009. HIS 27-YEAR SENTENCE RECENTLY WAS COMMUTED BY PRESIDENT TRUMP. AGRO PROCESSORS HAD AT THE CORE OF ITS BUSINESS MODEL THE EXPLOITATION OF UNDOCUMENTED WORKERS. ALMOST HALF THEIR WORKERS WERE NOT AUTHORIZED. WORKERS ALLEGE THE COMPANY FOSTERED A HOSTILE WORKPLACE ENVIRONMENT THAT INCLUDED 12-HOUR SHIFTS WITHOUT OVERTIME PAY, EXPOSURE TO DANGEROUS CHEMICALS, SEXUAL HARASSMENT, AND CHILD LABOR. A TRUCK DRIVER AT AGROPROCESSER'S BROOKLYN HEADQUARTERS SAID, QUOTE, WE WERE TREATED LIKE GARBAGE, AND IF WE SAID ANYTHING, WE GOT FIRED IMMEDIATELY. JUDGE KAVANAUGH, YOU BENT OVERBACKWARDS TO TAKE THE COMPANY'S SIDE AGAINST THESE WORKERS. IN A 2008 CIRCUIT CASE, YOUR DISSENT ARGUED THAT THIS COMPANY'S WORKERS SHOULD BE PROHIBITED FROM UNIONIZING, BECAUSE THEY DID NOT FIT YOUR DEFINITION OF AN EMPLOYEE. TO REACH THIS CONCLUSION, YOU IMPORTED A DEFINITION OF EMPLOYEE FROM A TOTALLY DIFFERENT STATUTE. YOU IGNORED THE PLAIN LANGUAGE OF THE CONTROLLING STATUTE, THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT, WHICH HAS A BROAD DEFINITION OF EMPLOYEE, AS WELL AS BINDING SUPREME COURT PRECEDENT. THE MAJORITY IN THIS CASE, AND YOU WERE A DISSENTER, THE MAJORITY IN THIS CASE NOTED THAT THEIR OPINION STUCK TO THE ...

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00:27:42
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

TEXT OF THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT AND TO THE 1986 IMMIGRATION REFORM AND CONTROL ACT, WHICH DID NOT AMEND THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT. THEY SAID THAT YOUR DISSENT -- THESE ARE THE JUDGES SAID ABOUT YOUR DISSENT, WOULD, QUOTE, ABANDON THE TEXT OF THE CONTROLLING STATUTE AND LEAD TO A, QUOTE, ABSURD RESULT. THE MAJORITY IN THIS DECISION INCLUDE GDD ONE REPUBLICAN AND ONE DEMOCRATIC OPPONENT JUDGE. JUDGE KAVANAUGH, YOU CLAIM OVER AND OVER AGAIN TO BE A TEXTUALIST, TO BE CAREFULLY WEIGHING EVERY WORD OF STATUTE. SO WHY DID YOU GO OUT OF OUR WAY IN A WAY THAT BENEFITED THIS HORRIBLE BUSINESS AND DISADVANTAGED THESE EXPLOITED WORKERS? WHY DIDN'T YOU STICK TO THE PLAIN LANGUAGE OF THE CONTROLLING STATUTE AND THE BINDING SUPREME COURT PRECEDENT? >> BECAUSE THE SUPREME COURT PREGNANT COMPELLED ME TO REACH THE RESULTS THAT I REACHED. AND HERE'S WHY, SENATOR, LET ME EXPLAIN. THE SHOURTUPREME COURT HAD A CASE CALLED THE SHIRTAN DECISION. AND THE SHIRTAN DECISION CONSIDERED THE INTERACTION OF THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS LAW ACT AND THE IMMIGRATION LAW SS AND WHAT THE SUPREME COURT DID IN SHIRTAN IS HAVE THIS QUESTION AND SAID, IT IS AT THAT TIME PERMISSIBLE TO CONSIDER AN IMMIGRANT UNLAWFULLY IN THE COUNTRY AS AN EMPLOYEE UNDER THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT. AND PART 2B OF THE OPINION, YOU HAVE TO READ PART 2B OF THE SUPREME COURT'S OPINION. IF YOU READ PART 2B, THE COURT THEN GOES ON TO SAY, AND BECAUSE THE PRGS LAWS DO SIMMIGRATION LAWS DO NOT PROHIBIT UNEMPLOYMENT OF PEOPLE UNLANDFALL UNLAWFULLY IN THE COUNTRY, THE COURT MAKES CLEAR, AS I READ PART 2B, AND I THINK I'M CORRECT ON THIS, IS THAT IF THE IMMIGRATION LAWS DID PROHIBIT EMPLOYMENT OF SOMEONE HERE UN UNLAWFULLY IN THE COUNTRY, THEN THAT WOULD ALSO MEAN THAT THEY CAN'T VOTE IN THE UNION ELECTION. SO WHAT I WAS DOING THERE, SENATOR, IT'S ALL ABOUT PERSISTENT. I READ THAT, AND MY OPINION, IF YOU LOOK AT THE DISSENTING OPINION, I REALLY PARSE THIS VERY CAREFULLY AND I WENT DEEP. I WENT AND PULLED FROM THE SHIRTAN CASE, I WENT AND ASKED FOR THE THURGOOD MARSHAL PAPERS AND I CITED THE ORAL ARGUMENT TO MAKE SURE THAT THEY THAT WHAT I WAS READING IN THERE WAS ACTUALLY REFLECTIVE OF WHAT HAD BEEN GOING ON IN THE SUPREME COURT. AND IT IS QUITE CLEAR FROM THE ORAL ARGUMENT, THEY WERE AWARE THAT THE IMMIGRATION LAW WAS OBJECT TO BE CHANGED, AND THEY WERE AWARE OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN THE LABOR LAW AND THE IMMIGRATION LAW. SO I THINK I -- I STAND BY WHAT I WROTE THEN AND I THINK I CORRECTLY ANALYZED PART 2B. NOW, SENATOR -- >> I'M GOING TO RUN OUT OF TIME HERE, SO -- >> IF THE SUPREME COURT SHIRTAN OPINION HAD ENDED AT PART 2A, 100% WOULD AGREE WITH YOU AND MY DECISION WOULD HAVE BEEN DIFFERENT. >> WELL, LET ME -- >> IF YOU READ PART 2B, I THINK YOU SEE -- >> YOU SAID EARLIER TODAY, YOU DON'T GET TO PICK AND CHOOSE WHICH SUPREME COURT PERSISTENT YOU FOLLOW. THE MAJORITY IN AN AGROPROCESSER'S CASE WAS FOLLOWING SUPREME COURT PRECEDENT. IN THE SHIRTAN CASE, THE SUPREME COURT, A 7-2 DECISION, SAID THE THAT UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS ARE EMPLOYEES UNDER THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT. I QUOTE, SINCE UNDOCUMENTED ALIENS ARE NOT AMONG THE FEW GROUPS OF WORKERS EXPRESSLY LYLY EXEMPTED BY CONGRESS, THEY PLAINLY COME WITHIN THE BROAD STATUTORY DEFINITION OF EMPLOYEE. THAT'S A QUOTE FROM THE CASE. >> THAT'S PART 2A. YOU HAVE TO GO TO PART 2B. >> LET ME TALK ABOUT A FEW PEOPLE WHO COULDN'T AGREE WITH YOU MORE. EVERYONE ELSE WHO LOOKED AT THIS QUESTION, THE NATIONAL LABOR BOARD, TWO APPEALS COURT JUDGES, INCLUDING ONE REPUBLICAN APPOINTEE FOLLOWED THE SUPREME COURT PERSISTENT AND CAME TO THE OPPOSITE CONCLUSION THAT YOU DID. I UNDERSTAND YOU MAY HAVE PREFERRED THE SHIRTAN DISSENT, BUT YOU FAILED TO FOLLOW SUPREME COURT PRECEDENT. THIS WAS A CASE WHERE THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT INCLUDED THOSE WHO ARE UNDOCUMENTED, WHO COULD UNIONIZE TO PROTECT THEMSELVES IN THE WORKPLACE. YOU WENT OUT OF YOUR WAY TO DISSENT ALL THE WAY ALONG AND MAKE SURE THEY DIDN'T -- OR IN YOUR VIEW, THAT THEY DID NOT HAVE THAT RIGHT TO UNIONIZE. >> I VERY RESPECTFULLY DISAGREE, SENATOR. SFOURT DID SAY THE SUPREME COURT DID SAY IT WAS COVERED. THEN THE SUPREME COURT GOES ON TO SAY, AND WE CONSIDER ALSO IN RESOLVING THIS QUESTION, THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT AND THE IMMIGRATION LAWS AND MAKES CLEAR, AS I READ IT, IF THE IMMIGRATION LAWS HAD MADE EMPLOYMENT OF SOMEONE HERE IN THE COUNTRY UNLAWFULLY ILLEGAL, THAT WOULD BE PROHIBITED IN THE CASE. IF YOU GO BACK, I QUOTE THE ORAL ACTOR TRANSCRIPT FROM SHIRTAN IN MY DISSENTING OPINION. AND LOOK, I HAD NO AGENDA IN ANY DIRECTION ON THE -- I'M A JUDGE. I'M JUST TRYING TO RESOLVE THE PRECEDENT -- >> LET ME CLOSE BY SAYING THIS. I'M JUST A JUDGE, I JUST FOLLOW PRECEDENT. GOSH, WE'VE HEARD THAT SO OFTEN. AND WE HOPE IT'S THE CASE, BUT WE KNOW THERE'S MUCH MORE TO YOUR JOB THAN THAT. >> I AGREE. >> THE FACT THAT YOU WERE A DISSENTER AND EVERYONE ELSE SAW THIS THE OTHER WAY SHOULD GIVE US PAUSE WHEN YOU SAY, I'M JUST FOLLOWING PRECEDENT. >> WELL, I, RESPECTFULLY, SENATOR, THAT OPINION -- I'M PROUD OF THAT OPINION, BECAUSE I THINK IT CAREFULLY DETAILS THE LAW IN THAT CASE. OF FOLLOWING THE SUPREME COURT PREGNANT. AND TO YOUR POINT THAT OTHER JUDGES DISAGREE, THERE WAS A CASE I HAD ABOUT TEN YEARS ...

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00:33:44
John Cornyn John Cornyn

AGO, IT WAS A CASE WHERE I RULED IN FAVOR OF A CRIMINAL DEFENDANT ON A RESTITUTION MATTER. EVERY COURT BEFOREHAND DISAGREED. I WROTE THE MAJORITY OPINION. EVERY COURT AFTER US DISAGREED. FINALLY GOT TO THE SUPREME COURT THIS YEAR AND THEY AGREED WITH OUR ONE OPINION. THE PAPANO OPINION. JUST TO POINT OUT THAT JUST BECAUSE OTHER COURT OF APPEALS MIGHT HAVE DISAGREED DOES NOT NECESSARILY MEAN THAT WE WERE NECESSARILY WRONG, BECAUSE THE SUPREME COURT ULTIMATELY DECIDES THAT. I UNDERSTAND YOUR QUESTION AND I APPRECIATE THEM. SENATOR. SENATOR CORNYN AND SENATOR LEE IS GOING TO CHAIR WHILE I HAVE ANOTHER APPOINTMENT. THANK YOU, MR. CHAIRMAN. MR. CHAIRMAN, I WAS GRATEFUL THAT TODAY'S HEARING, AT LEAST AS FAR AS THE COMMITTEE IS CONCERNED, IS A LOT MORE DIGNIFIED AND CIVIL. BUT UNFORTUNATELY, SOME OF THE HIGH JINX CONTINUE EVEN ON THE SENATE FLOOR. I KNOW SENATOR McCONNELL HAS CONSENT FOR THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE TO CONTINUE MEETING DURING TODAY'S SESSION OF THE SENATE. SENATOR SCHUMER OBJECTED, TO SENATOR McCONNELL WAS LEFT WITH NO OPTION BUT TO ADJOURN THE SENATE AND ALLOW THE COMMITTEE TO CONTINUE TO MEET. THAT'S UNFORTUNATE. SO JUDGE, I BELIEVE WE MET IN THE YEAR 2000. YES. JUST TO TAKE A LITTLE WALK DOWN MEMORY LANE HERE, WHEN I WAS ATTORNEY GENERAL OF TEXAS AND HAD A CHANCE TO ARGUE A CASE IN FRONT OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES, YOU, TED OLSEN, AND PAUL CLEMENT, I BELIEVE. -- YES YES. -- HELPED ME GET READY. I REGRET YOU DIDN'T HAVE BETTER MATERIAL TO WORK WITH. IT WAS AN HONOR, SENATOR. IT WAS A GREAT EXPERIENCE AND AN EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCE, BUT I GOT TO EXPERIENCE YOUR SKILLS AS A LAWYER AND FOLLOWED YOUR CAREER CLOSELY SINCE AND PROUD TO SUPPORT YOUR NOMINATION BASED ON MY PERSONAL KNOWLEDGE OF YOUR SKILLS, YOUR TEMPERAMENT, AND YOUR CHARACTER AND YOUR FIDELITY TO THE RULE OF LAW. BUT I DO WANT TO PICK ONE BONE WITH YOU. I DID -- THIS ISN'T UNIQUE TO YOU. BASED ON THAT EXPERIENCE, THAT CASE, AS YOU MAY RECALL, INVOLVED A TRADITION IN THE SANTA FE INDEPENDENT SCHOOL DISTRICT, UNFORTUNATELY, WHICH WAS THE SITE OF A SHOOTING IN MORE RECENT DAYS. BUT BACK THEN, THE PRACTICE BEFORE FOOTBALL GAMES IS THAT THE STUDENTS WOULD BE ABLE TO VOLUNTEER TO OFFER A PRAYER BEFORE THE FOOTBALL GAME. THEY WEREN'T REQUIRED TO DO SO, THE SCHOOL DIDN'T PICK THEM, THEY COULD OFFER AN INSPIRATIONAL SAYING OR READ A POEM OR ANYTHING ELSE, BUT THAT WAS THE PRACTICE. WELL, UNTIL THE ACLU FILED SUIT AND UNFORTUNATELY IT WAS HELD TO BE UNCONSTITUTIONAL IN VIOLATION OF THE ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE. I'M NOT GOING TO ASK FOR YOUR OPINIONS, BECAUSE THIS ISSUE WILL LIKELY COME BACK BEFORE THE T COURT. BUT SINCE I MENTIONED IT TO JUSTICE GORSUCH, I'LL MENTION TO IT TO YOU. THE THING THAT HAS STUCK IN MY CRAW FOR THE LAST 18 YEARS IS THE DISSENT WRITTEN BY CHIEF JUSTICE REHNQUIST. WHICH TAKES EXCEPTION TO THE MAJORITY'S DECISION, SAYING THEY DISTORTED EXISTING PRECEDENT, BUT HE GOES ON TO SAY, EVEN MORE DISTURBING THAN ITS HOLDING IS THE TONE OF THE COURT'S OPINION. IT BRISTLES WITH HOSTILITY TOWARDS ALL THINGS RELIGIOUS IN PUBLIC LIFE. NEITHER THE HOLDING NOR THE TONE OR THE OPINION IS FAITHFUL TO THE MEANING OF THE ESTABLISHMENT CLAUS CLAUS CLAUSE. WHEN IT IS RECALLED THAT GEORGE WASHINGTON HIMSELF AT THE REQUEST OF THE VERY CONGRESS WHICH PASSED THE BILL OF RIGHTS PROCLAIMED A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER TO BE OBSERVED BY ACKNOWLEDGING WITH GRATEFUL ...

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00:37:46
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

HEARTS THE MANY AND SIGNAL FAVORS OF THE ALMIGHTY GOD. SINCE I HAD YOU HERE, I THOUGHT I WOULD MENTION THAT. I'M NOT ASKING FOR YOUR OPINION, SINCE LIKELY YOU'LL BE CALLED UPON TO DECIDE CASES INVOLVING THE ESTABLISHMENT CAUSE HERE IN THE FUTURE. BUT SINCE WE HAD THAT HISTORY TOGETHER, I THOUGHT I WOULD JUST TELL YOU IT STILL STICKS IN MY CRAW. >> I UNDERSTAND, SENATOR. WE REMEMBER CERTAINLY CASES WE LOST, I REMEMBER, AND THEY STILL STICK IN MY CRAW, TOO, SENATOR. >> I JUST MARVEL UNDER THE FIRST AMENDMENT, WE CAN -- VARIETY OF VOICES CAN SPEAK, AND THAT'S GENERALLY A GOOD THING, BUT IT CAN BE ABOUT VIOLENCE, SEXISM, IT CAN BE ABOUT ALMOST ANYTHING, BUT YOU CAN'T SPEAK ABOUT RELIGION IN A PUBLIC FORUM. >> WELL, THERE HAVE BEEN CASES FROM THE SUPREME COURT, I THINK IN MORE RECENT YEARS, CASES LIKE THE GOOD NEWS CLUB CASE, CASE LIKE THE TRINITY LUTHERAN CASE, CASES LIKE THE TOWN ...

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00:38:52
John Cornyn John Cornyn

OF GREECE CASE, WHERE I THINK THE SUPREME COURT HAS RECOGNIZED THE SPONSOR, OF COURSE, OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN THE UNITED STATES AND ALSO HAS RECOGNIZED, I THINK, THAT RELIGIOUS SPEAKERS, RELIGIOUS PEOPLE, RELIGIOUS SPEECH IS ENTITLED TO A SPACE IN THE PUBLIC SQUARE. AND NOT TO BE DISCRIMINATED AGAINST. THE TRINITY LUTHERAN IS AN IMPORTANT ONE. THE GOOD NEWS CLUB CASE, THAT'S AN AFTERNOON PROGRAM IN A SCHOOL GYM OR AUDITORIUM AND A RELIGIOUS GROUP WAS EXCLUDED. AND THE SUPREME COURT MADE CLEAR, YOU CAN'T JUST EXCLUDE THE RELIGIOUS GROUP. I THINK THERE HAVE BEEN SOME DEVELOPMENTS SINCE THEN IN TERMS OF RELIGIOUS EQUALITY AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY THAT ARE IMPORTANT. THOSE CASES ARE ALWAYS DIFFICULT FACTUALLY, BUT THE PRINCIPLE YOU'RE ESPOUSING I DO THINK ARE REFLECTED IN SOME MORE RECENT SUPREME COURT PRECEDENT. >> I'LL JUST CONCLUDE WITH THIS. AS I UNDERSTAND, THE CONSTITUTION REQUIRES A GOVERNMENT TO BE NEUTRAL. AND AS CHIEF JUSTICE REHNQUIST, I THINK IN THIS CASE, THE GOVERNMENT EVIDENCED HOSTILITY TO RELIGIOUS SPEECH IN THE PUBLIC CARE. THAT'S ONE PERSON'S OPINION. AND I'M NOT ASKING YOU OPINION WITH REGARD TO A CASE THAT MAY BECOME BEFORE THE COURT. [ PROTESTERS PROTESTING ] >> MR. CHAIRMAN, I HOPE THAT TIME WON'T BE SUBTRACTED FROM THEY 30 MINUTES. >> IT WILL NOT ...

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00:40:40
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

BE. >> THANK YOU. SO, JUDGE KAVANAUGH, I'M INTRIGUED BY A COMMENT YOU MADE EARLIER ABOUT THE ROLE OF PRECEDENT. WE'VE HEARD A LOT ABOUT PRECEDENT, WE ALLUDED TO THIS BOOK THAT YOU AND OTHERS, OTHER JUDGES WROTE WITH BRIAN GARNER ON THE LAW OF JUDICIAL PRECEDENT. I CHECKED IT OUT. IT'S 900 PAGES LONG. AND I HAVEN'T READ EVERY PAGE OF IT EITHER. >> I DON'T THINK IT'S MEANT -- IT'S NOT MEANT TO BE READ WORD FOR WORD. IT'S A TREATISE WHERE YOU GO TO A SECTION THAT MIGHT BE ON POINT OR SOMETHING. >> BUT LET ME JUST ASK YOU A MORE BASIC QUESTION AND WE CAN WORK OUR WAY INTO THAT. SHOULD -- WHEN PEOPLE GO TO COURT, SHOULD THEY EXPECT A DIFFERENT OUTCOME IF THE JUDGE WAS NOMINATED BY A REPUBLICAN FROM A COURT WHERE THE JUDGE WAS NOMINATED BY A DEMOCRAT? >> NO. THAT'S AN IMPORTANT PRINCIPLE OF JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE AND THE JUDICIAL ROLE. THE JUDGE'S EMPIRE VISION, THAT CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS ARTICULATED, AND I'VE TALKED ABOUT PUBLICLY MANY TIMES IS CRITICAL, WHEN YOU GO TO A BASEBALL GAME, THE UMPIRE IS NOT WEARING THE UNIFORM OF ONE TEAM OR ANOTHER. AND THAT'S A CRITICAL PRINCIPLE. >> WELL, WITH ITIT STRIKES ME AS AN IMPORTANT POINT GIVEN THE SUGGESTION THAT ONE OF THE REASONS THAT PEOPLE HAVE OBJECTED TO YOUR NOMINATION IS, I BELIEVE THE QUOTE WAS, YOU HAVE REPUBLICAN BLOOD FLOWING IN YOUR VEINS. STRIKES ME AS STRANGE AND BIZARRE STATEMENT. >> I'VE BEEN A JUDGE FOR 12 YEARS, AND 307 OPINIONS, I'M VERY PROUD OF THAT RECORD AND BEEN AN INDEPENDENT JUDGE FOR 12 YEARS. AS A JUDGE, YOU'RE NOT A REPUBLICAN OR A DEMOCRAT, AS A FEDERAL JUDGE. >> AND YOU TALKED A LITTLE BIT ABOUT THE CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS FOR A JUDGE'S OBLIGATION TO APPLY EXISTING PRECEDENT. COULD YOU EXPAND ON THAT A LITTLE BIT MORE? BECAUSE I THINK MOST PEOPLE ARE UNDER THE IMPRESSION, THIS IS SORT OF A DISCRETIONARY MATTER, AND YOU CAN SORT OF CHERRY-PICK BETWEEN WHAT PRECEDENTS YOU DECIDE TO FOLLOW AND WHICH ONES YOU DON'T FOLLOW. >> WELL, THERE'S BEEN A DEBATE SOME TIMES ABOUT WHAT ARE THE ORIGINS OF PRECEDENT. WHY DO YOU FOLLOW PRECEDENT? AND AS I SEE IT, THERE ARE A NUMBER OF REASONS YOU WOULD ...

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00:42:59
John Cornyn John Cornyn

CITE. STABILITY, PREDICTABILITY, IMPARTIAL IMPARTIALITY, RELIANCE INTERESTS. BUT ALL OF THOSE ARE NOT MERE POLICIES IN MY VIEW. AS I SEE IT, THE SYSTEM OF PRECEDENT COMES FROM ARTICLE III ITSELF. WHEN ARTICLE III REFERS TO THE JUDICIAL POWER SHALL BE VESTED IN ONE SUPREME COURT AND SUCH INFERIOR COURTS AS CONGRESS SHALL, FROM TIME TO TIME, ESTABLISH, TO MY MIND, THE PHRASE JUDICIAL POWER. YOU THINK ABOUT, WHAT DOES THAT ENTAIL? AND YOU LOOK AT THE MEANING, THE MEANING AT THE TIME OF JUDICIAL POWER, AND YOU LOOK, ONE SOURCE OF THAT IS 78. AND THAT IS 78. IT'S WELL EXPLAINED THAT JUDGES MAKE DECISIONS ...

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00:43:48
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

BASED ON PREGNANTAS PRECEDENT. AND PRECEDENT, THEREFORE, AS I READ, HAS CONSTITUTIONAL ORIGINS AND CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS IN THE TEXT OF THE CONSTITUTION. >> AND I THINK YOU'VE TOUCHED ON THIS, AS WELL. JUDGES, UNLIKE LEGISLATORS, DON'T RUN FOR ELECTION. THEY DON'T HAVE A PLATFORM. THIS IS WHAT I DO IF ELECTED INTO OFFICE. ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT ELEMENTS OF THE -- OF LIMITING THE IMPORTANT ROLE OF JUDGES, I THINK IS THAT WE'RE REQUIRED TO DECIDE A CASE ON A CASE-BY CASE BASIS. RATHER THAN ISSUING SOME SORT OF ORACLE, SAYING, HENCEFORTH, THE LAW WILL BE THUS. ASSUMING YOU GET EIGHT OTHER JUDGES ON THE TEAM OF NINE TO AGREE WITH YOU. CAN YOU TALK ABOUT THE IMPORTANCE OF DECIDING CASES ON A CASE-BY-CASE BASIS? >> WE'LL ADD ANOTHER 20 SECOND? >> THANK YOU. >> ABSOLUTELY, SENATOR. IT'S IMPORTANT TO UNDERSTAND AND I THINK SENATOR GRAHAM ALLUDED TO THIS AS WELL, AS JUDGES, YOU JUST DON'T ISSUE POLICIES OR ISSUE OPINIONS OUT OF THE BLUE. YOU DECIDE, AS ARTICLE III SAYS, CASES AND CONTROVERSIES. AND THAT MEANS A PROCESS. AS THEY COME INTO THE FEDERAL TRIAL COURT AND LITIGATE AGAINST ONE ANOTHER. THERE'S A PROCESS THERE, A TRIAL OR SOME REJUDGMENT MOTION. THE DISTRICT JUDGE RENDERS A DECISION. THEN THAT COMES UP TO THE COURT OF APPEALS, IN MY CASE. AND THERE'S BRIEFING AND ORAL ARGUMENT. I LIKE TO SAY, THERE'S A PROCESS. I LIKE TO SAY PROCESS PROTECTS YOU. IT'S ONE OF MY THINGS I ALWAYS LIKE TO KEEP IN MIND. YOU GO THROUGH A PROCESS TO HELP MAKE GOOD ...

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00:45:31
John Cornyn John Cornyn

DECISIONS, DELIBERATIVE PROCESS. AND WE HAVE A PROCESS, JUDGES ARE VERY FOCUSED ON PROCESS. AND HAVING THAT ORAL ARGUMENT, HAVING THE BRIEFING AND THEN TALKING TO YOUR COLLEAGUES. YOU CHANGE YOUR MIND. SOMETIMES BASED ON THE PROCESS OF COLLEAGUES. THAT PROCESS IS IMPORTANT. AND TO YOUR POINT, YOU'RE DECIDING THAT CASE. YOU WRITE AN OPINION. YOU'RE NOT TRYING TO RESOLVE EVERY ISSUE IMAGINABLE IN THE OPINION. YOU'RE ...

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00:45:59
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

TRYING TO RESOLVE THIS CASE UNDER THE PRINCIPLES OF LAWS IN QUESTION AND DECIDE THAT CASE OR CONTROVERSY. AND THAT'S HOW JUDGES BUILD UP A SYSTEM OF PRECEDENT OVER TIME, BY DECIDING ONE CASE AT A TIME, AND NOT TRYING TO DO MORE THAN THEY CAN OR MORE THAN THEY SHOULD. [ PROTESTERS PROTESTING ] >> JUDGE, DON'T YOU THINK WHAT YOU'VE DESCRIBED FOR US AND DECIDING CASES ON A CASE-BY-CASE BASIS HAVE AN IMPORTANT FOUNDATION IN FAIRNESS? HOW WOULD SOMEBODY FEEL IF THEY KNOW YOU'VE ANNOUNCED IN ALL CASES THAT HAVE TO DO WITH SUBJECT "X," I'VE MADE UP MY MIND, I DON'T CARE WHAT THE FACTS ARE. ISN'T THAT UNFAIR TO THE LITIGANTS? >> IT CAN BE, WHERE AN OVERBROAD ...

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00:47:02
John Cornyn John Cornyn

RULING MAY RESOLVE THINGS WHERE PEOPLE WHO ARE AFFECTED BY IT MAY HAVE THOUGHT, I WASN'T PART OF THAT CASE, WHY AM I NOW AFFECTED IN A PARTICULAR WAY. I THINK ONE OF THE THINGS I COULD SAY ABOUT HOW I'VE TRIED TO WRITE MY OPINIONS, THE 300 OPINIONS IS, I'M ALWAYS CONCERNED ABOUT -- [ PROTESTERS PROTESTING ] >> I'M ALWAYS CONCERNED ABOUT UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES. THIS IS ONE OF THE REASONS I GO THROUGH SO MANY DRAFTS IN MY OPINIONS AND REALLY WORK THROUGH THEM, IS EVEN JUST A SLOPPY FOOTNOTE OR AN AMBIGUOUS WORD IN AN OPINION, IT'S TRUE WHEN YOU'RE DRAFTING LAWS HERE, TOO. BUT IF YOU DON'T, YOU'RE CONCERNED ABOUT UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES, WHICH IS WHY IT'S SO ...

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00:47:52
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

IMPORTANT TO BE CLEAR IN THE OPINIONS AND TO BE EXACTLY PRECISE AND NOT DECIDE TOO MUCH. [ CHANTING: OUR BODIES, OUR CHOICE ] >> JUDGE, LET ME ASK YOU TO TELL US A LITTLE BIT ABOUT SEPTEMBER 11th, 2001. WHERE WERE YOU WHEN YOU HEARD THAT THE PLANES HIT THE WORLD TRADE CENTER IN WASHINGTON, D.C. AND ANOTHER PLANE HIT THE PENTAGON HERE IN WASHINGTON. I REMEMBER I WAS -- NEW YORK, I SHOULD SAY. I WAS IN THE WEST WING WHEN IT HIT THE SECOND TOWER. I REMEMBER IN THE UPSTAIRS COUNSEL'S OFFICE WITH A COUPLE OTHER PEOPLE IN THE COUNSEL'S OFFICE. AND THEN WE WERE USHERED DOWNSTAIRS AND THEN TOLD TO GET OUT, RUN OUT, WAS THERE WAS FEAR, AS WE LATER LEARNED ABOUT FLIGHT 93, DON'T KNOW IF IT WAS HEADED TO THE CAPITOL OR THE WHITE HOUSE OR SOME OTHER TARGET, OF COURSE, AND THE HEROS OF FLIGHT 93 SAVED, SAVED SO MANY AMERICANS, THE SACRIFICE THAT, OF COURSE, WE STILL ALL CELEBRATE IN THE SENSE OF CELEBRATING THEIR LIVES AND HEROISM FOR SAVING ALL OF US HERE IN WASHINGTON. BUT ENDED UP OUT IN LAFAYETTE PARK WITH THE REST OF THE STAFF AND BEWILDERED AND CHANGED AMERICA. CHANGED THE WORLD. CHANGED THE PRESIDENCY. CHANGED CONGRESS. CHANGED THE COURTS, ALL THE ISSUES THAT CAME BEFORE US. IT WAS A NEW KIND OF WAR. AS PRESIDENT BUSH DESCRIBED, WITH AN ENEMY THAT DIDN'T WEAR UNIFORMS, AND THAT WOULD ATTACK CIVILIANS AND SO NEW KINDS OF LAWS HAD TO BE CONSIDERED AND CONGRESS HAD TO WORK THROUGH THAT ...

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00:49:41
John Cornyn John Cornyn

AND PRESIDENT BUSH HAD TO FOCUS SO INTENTLY, AS I'VE SAID BEFORE, MY REMEMBRANCE IS THAT ON SEPTEMBER 12th, HIS BASIC MENTALITY WAS, THIS WILL NOT HAPPEN AGAIN. AND HAVING TRAVELED WITH HIM FROM 2003 TO 2006, EVERYWHERE, AS STAFF SECRETARY AND SEEING HIM UP CLOSE, I STILL THINK EVERY DAY I WAS WITH HIM DURING THOSE YEARS, EVERY MORNING WHEN I GOT UP, IT WAS STILL SEPTEMBER 12th, 2001, THIS WILL HAPPENNOT HAPPEN AGAIN. AND TO SEE THAT FOCUS, AND OF COURSE, HE HAD TO DO ALL THE OTHER THINGS OF THE PRESIDENCY AND ALL THE OTHER CEREMONIAL ASPECTS. BUT HE WAS SO FOCUSED ON THAT AND I'M SURE THAT'S BEEN TRUE OF THE SECEDING PRESIDENTS AS WELL, BECAUSE THE THREAT, THE THREAT STILL EXISTS, OF COURSE. WELL, AS WE CAME TO LEARN, OSAMA BIN LADEN AND AL QAIDAEDA WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR THAT ATTACK AND HAS NOW MORPHED INTO OTHER ORGANIZATIONS LIKE ISIS AND THE LIKE. BUT I WANT TO ASK YOU, YOU HAD TO. THEN SIT IN JUDGMENT, LATER ON, IN A CASE, THE HAMDAN CASE, WHICH YOU'VE ALLUDED TO EARLIER, WHERE THE DEFENDANT WAS OSAMA BIN LADEN'S PERSONAL BODYGUARD AND DRIVER. HE WAS CAPTURED BY U.S. FORCES IN AFGHANISTAN AFTER 9/11 AND DETAINED IN GAUBUANTANAMO BAY. HE SUBSEQUENTLY WENT THROUGH A MILITARY TRIBUNAL AND THEN THAT CASE WAS APPEALED TO YOUR COURT. AND JUST CORRECT ME IF I'M WRONG, BUT NOTWITHSTANDING THE EXPERIENCE YOU AND EVERYBODY YOU CARED ABOUT, HAVING BEEN THROUGH THIS TERRIBLE TRAVESTY OF 9/11, YOU RULED IN FAVOR OF OSAMA BIN LADEN'S BODYGUARD AND DRIVER, CORRECT? THAT IS CORRECT. I WROTE THE MAJORITY OPINION. HOW COULD YOU DO THAT? HOW COULD YOU POSSIBLY DO THAT? THE RULE OF LAW APPLIES TO ALL WHO COME BEFORE THE COURTS OF THE UNITED STATES. EVEN AN ENEMY COMBATANT? EQUAL JUSTICE UNDER LAW. EVERYONE IS ENTITLED -- EVEN A NON-CITIZEN? YES. NON-CITIZENS WHO ARE TRIED IN U.S. COURTS, OF COURSE, HAVE THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS. AND REALLY, MY MODEL ON THAT JUDICIAL MODEL FOR THINKING ABOUT SOMETHING LIKE THAT, BECAUSE I THOUGHT ABOUT WHAT YOU'RE ASKING ABOUT. JUSTICE JACKSON, OF COURSE, ROBERT JACKSON, WHO HAD BEEN FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT'S ATTORNEY GENERAL IN THE CORAMATSU CASE, EVEN THOSE THAT WAS ONE OF THE POLICIES, THE MAJORITY OPINION NOW OVERRULED, BUT JUSTICE JACKSON DISSENTED AND RULED AGAINST THE ROOSEVELT POLICY. JUSTICES CLARK AND BURTON, TWO APPOINTEES OF PRESIDENT TRUMAN ARE THE TWO DECIDING VOTES IN YOUNGSTOWN STEEL. THAT'S A 6-3 DECISION. THOSE TWO WERE THE DECIDING VOTES. THOSE WERE BOTH APPOINTEES OF PRESIDENT TRUMAN. AND IT'S WARTIME AGAINST KOREA. THEY GET TO THE SUPREME COURT. THEY'RE THE DECIDING VOTES IN THE YOUNGSTOWN STEEL CASE, WHICH WAS AN EXTRAORDINARY NATIONAL MOMENT. ONE OF THE GREAT MOMENTS. SO YOUR CONCEPTION OF THE ROLE OF A JUDGE, IT'S ABOUT THE LAW. THAT'S DISTINCT FROM POLICY AND TOUR JUDICIARY DEPENDS ON HAVING PEOPLE IN IT. AND WE ARE FORTUNATE TO HAVE A WONDERFUL FEDERAL JUDICIARY. TO ANYONE WHO COMES BEFORE THE COURT, EVEN THE MOST UNPOPULAR POSSIBLE DEFENDANT IS STILL ENTITLED TO DUE PROCESS AND THE RULE OF LAW. AND I'VE TRIED TO ENSURE THAT AS A JUDGE. WELL, IT'S HARD FOR ME TO IMAGINE A MORE UNPOPULAR DEFENDANT THAN OSAMA BIN LADEN'S DRIVER AND PERSONAL BODYGUARD. SO I FIND THE SUGGESTION THAT SOMEHOW YOU ARE PREJUDICED AGAINST THE SMALL GUY IN FAVOR OF THE BIG GUY OR THAT YOU ARE PICKING AND CHOOSING WHO YOU'RE GOING TO RENDER JUDGMENT IN FAVOR OF BASED ON SOMETHING OTHER THAN THE RULE OF LAW, I THINK THIS ANSWERS THAT QUESTION CONCLUSIVELY FOR ME. THE FACT THAT YOU COULD SEPARATE YOURSELF FROM THE EMOTIONAL INVOLVEMENT YOU HAD ALONG WITH SO MANY PEOPLE YOU WORKED WITH CLOSELY WITH IN THE WHITE HOUSE ON SEPTEMBER 11th, AND YOU CAN THEN AS A JUDGE, AFTER YOU PUT ON THE BLACK ROBE AND TAKE THE OATH OF OFFICE, YOU COULD THEN RENDER A JUDGMENT IN FAVOR OF BIN LADEN'S BODYGUARD AND DRIVER, BECAUSE YOU APPLIED THE LAW EQUALLY TO EVERYBODY THAT COME TO YOUR COURT. SOMETIMES THE -- LET ME ALLUDE TO SOMETHING SENATOR SASSE, I THINK, WAS ELOQUENTLY SPEAKING ABOUT YESTERDAY IN TERMS OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS. VERY IMPORTANT ASPECT OF OUR CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM AND ONE THAT I KNOW YOU'VE DEALT WITH OFTEN, ON THE D.C. CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS. AND THAT HAS TO DO WITH WHAT I'VE READ SOME JUDGES TALK ABOUT, SYMPTOM CONSTITUTIONAL SCHOLARS TALK ABOUT A CONVERSATION BETWEEN THE BRANCHES. IN OTHER WORDS, WHEN THE D.C. CIRCUIT COURT OR THE SUPREME COURT DECIDES A CASE, THEY FINALLY DECIDE THAT CASE, BUT THEY DON'T FINALLY DECIDE WHAT THE POLICY IS. THAT'S RIGHT. FOR THE UNITED STATES OR THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. CORRECT? THAT'S CORRECT, SENATOR. AND I THINK ONE OF THE IMPORTANT THINGS THAT JUDGES CAN DO IS ADHERE, OF COURSE, TO THE LAWS PASSED BY CONGRESS. BUT THEN IN WRITING THE OPINION, MAKE CLEAR, AND I'VE DONE THIS BEFORE, AND A LOT OF MY COLLEAGUES DO THIS, IS THAT PERHAPS THE STATUTE NEEDS UPDATING, BUT IF IT DOES, THAT IS THE ROLE OF CONGRESS TO UPDATE THE STATUTE, OR IF THERE'S -- SOMETIMES THERE'LL BE A HOLE IN ...

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00:56:11
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

A STATUTE OR SOMETHING THAT SEEMS UNINTENDED IN A STATUTE AND TO ALERT CONGRESS TO THAT. CHIEF JUDGE KATZMAN OF THE SECOND CIRCUIT, HE'S A GREAT JUDGE I SERVED WITH ON THE JUDICIAL BRANCH COMMITTEE, AND HE HAS WRITTEN A BOOK ABOUT STATUTORY INTERPRETATION, BUT HE'S ALSO BEEN A LEADER OF A PROJECT TO MAKE SURE THAT CONGRESS IS ALERTED OF POTENTIAL STATUTORY ISSUES THAT LOOK LIKE THEY MIGHT HAVE BEEN THINGS THAT, PERHAPS, CONGRESS WOULD NOT HAVE INTENDED, OR AT LEAST, CONGRESS WOULD WANT BROUGHT TO ITS ATTENTION, SO IT COULD FIX. [ PROTESTER PROTESTING ] SO THAT'S BEEN VERY SUCCESSFUL. IT'S ONE, EVEN WITHOUT THAT PROJECT, HOW YOU WRITE YOUR OPINIONS, I THINK, IS IMPORTANT. WE DON'T UPDATE THE STATUTES. YOU UPDATE THE STATUTES. BUT IT'S GOOD FOR US TO WRITE OUR OPINIONS IN A WAY THAT POINTS OUT POTENTIAL ISSUES THAT CONGRESS MIGHT WANT TO BE AWARE OF. >> AND THAT'S PART OF THE CONVERSATION BETWEEN THE TWO CO-EQUAL BRANCHES OF GOVERNMENT. >> ABSOLUTELY. AND I THINK THAT'S AN IMPORTANT DIALOGUE TO HAVE BETWEEN CONGRESS AND THE JUDICIARY AND THE BACK AND FORTH IS VERY IMPORTANT ON THAT FRONT. AND I THINK THAT'S ONE THING I'M ALWAYS THINKING ABOUT IN MY OPINIONS. YOU WHERE THE LAWS, BUT IF THE LAW LOOKS LIKE THERE'S SOME ISSUE WITH IT, SOME FLAW OR SOMETHING THAT MIGHT BE AN UNINTENDED ...

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00:57:38
John Cornyn John Cornyn

CONSEQUENCE IN THE OPINION, YOU CAN IDENTIFY IT. AND THAT CAN BE SOMETHING THAT CONGRESS CAN TURN ITS ATTENTION TO, SOMETIMES. BECAUSE STAFF -- I'M

00:57:47
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

WELL AWARE THAT STATUTORY DRAFTING IS A VERY DIFFICULT PROCESS. THAT'S SOMETHING, I THINK, JUDGES TO ACTUALLY NEED TO BE MORE AWARE OF. HOW DIFFICULT THE LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING PROCESS IS. EVEN IF YOU'RE DOING IT AS ONE PERSON, IT WOULD BE DIFFICULT. BUT THEN YOU'RE DOING IT AS A COLLECTIVE BODY AND YOU'RE DOING IT WITH THE HOUSE AND THE PRESIDENT INVOLVED. THERE ARE A LOT OF PEOPLE IN IT, AND IT'S HARD TO HAVE, WITH ALL THE COMPROMISES INHERENT IN THAT, IT'S HARD OF CRYSTAL CLARITY ON EVERY POSSIBLE TOPIC. SO AS JUDGES, NUMBER ONE, WE HAVE TO RECOGNIZE THE PROCESS YOU GO THROUGH AS LEGISLATORS. THAT MEANS ADHERE TO THE COMPROMISES THAT ARE MADE, THE TEXT, AS WRINTTEN, BUT ALSO, WHEN WE WRITE OUR OPINIONS, IF THERE SEEMS TO BE SOMETHING THAT'S NOT WORKING OUT, IT'S APPROPRIATE, I THINK, FOR JUDGES TO POINT THAT OUT IN THEIR OPINIONS. AND OF COURSE, EVEN IF IT'S THE CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS FOR YOUR DECISION, THAT COULD BE CHANGED BY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT, CORRECT? WELL, THAT'S CORRECT, AS WELL. THE FRAMERS DID NOT THINK THE CONSTITUTION WAS PERFECT, BY ANY STRETCH. THEY KNEW IT HAD IMPERFECTIONS. FOR STARTERS, THE ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION DID NOT HAVE THE BILL OF RIGHTS, THE FIRST TEN AMENDMENTS. SO THERE WAS A LOT OF DISCUSS ABOUT THE RATIFYING AMENDMENTS ABOUT HAVING A BILL OF RIGHTS. AND THAT WAS QUICKLY DONE AT FIRST CONGRESS IN NEW YORK IN 1789, OF COURSE, BY JAMES MADSON MADISON TAKING THE LEAD ON THAT. BUT, SO, TOO, THEY DID NOT THINK IT WAS PERFECT. THEY HAD AN AMENDMENT PROCESS THAT SPECIFIED IN ARTICLE V OF THE CONSTITUTION. AND THAT AMENDMENT PROCESS WAS INTENDED TO BE USED. AND WE'VE SEEN IT USED TO CORRECT STRUCTURAL ISSUES, THE 12th AMENDMENT ON PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, THE 17th AMENDMENT, OF COURSE, AS YOU ALL ...

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00:59:36
John Cornyn John Cornyn

KNOW WELL, ON SENATE ELECTIONS. THE 22nd AMENDMENT, WHICH LIMITED PRESIDENTS TO ONLY TWO TERMS. THE 25th AMENDMENT, WHICH CORRECTED SOME ISSUES WITH RESPECT TO VICE PRESIDENTCY. AND THE 14th, 15, AND 16th AMENDMENTS, THE MOST IMPORTANT AMENDMENTS IN THE CONSTITUTION, IN MY RESPECTS, BECAUSE IT BROUGHT THE PROMISE OF RACIAL EQUALITY THAT HAD BEEN DENIED AT THE TIME OF THE ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION INTO THE TEXT OF THE CONSTITUTION. SO THE JOB OF THE PEOPLE, WHICH IS THE CONGRESS AND THE STATE LEGISLATURES, IS TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION. IT'S NOT THE JOB OF JUDGES TO DO THAT ON OUR OWN. AND OBVIOUSLY, THAT'S A BASIC DIVIDE OF CONSTITUTIONAL RESPONSIBILITY THAT IS SET FORTHRIGHT IN THE TEXT OF ARTICLE V OF THE CONSTITUTION. I CAN'T REMEMBER WHO SAID IT. I THINK JUSTICE JACKSON, PERHAPS, WHO SAID THE SUPREME COURT IS ALWAYS RIGHT -- ...

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01:00:41
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

IS NOT FINAL BECAUSE IT'S ALL RIGHT, IT'S RIGHT BECAUSE IT'S FINAL. OR WORDS TO THAT EFFECT. BUT I ALWAYS THOUGHT, THE MORE I GOT INTO THAT, THE MORE I DISAGREED WITH THAT. BECAUSE IT IS A CONVERSATION BETWEEN THE BRANCHES. AND IF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE BELIEVE THAT AS A CONSTITUTIONAL MANNER, THE WAY THE CONSTITUTION IS BEING INTERPRETED, IT'S WITHIN OUR POWER AS THE AMERICAN PEOPLE TO CHANGE OUR OWN CONSTITUTION BY AMENDMENT. THERE'S PROVISIONS IN THE CONSTITUTION ITSELF TO DO THAT. IT'S HARD AND IT SHOULD BE HARD, BUT ULTIMATELY, THE AUTHORITY THAT WE DELEGATE TO THE GOVERNMENT FINDS ITS ORIGIN IN THE CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED. IT'S NOT SOMETHING DICTATED TO US FROM DOWN ON HIGH FROM THE MARBLE PALACE OR SOMEWHERE LIKE THAT HERE IN WASHINGTON. IT IS ULTIMATELY OUR GOVERNMENT, OUR RESPONSIBILITY, OUR AUTHORITY THAT PROVIDES LEGITIMACY TO THE GOVERNMENT ITSELF. YOU AGREE WITH THAT? >> I AGREE. OF COURSE, SENATOR, WE THE PEOPLE, FORMED THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY THAT THE PEOPLE ARE THE ULTIMATELY AUTHORITY. AND YOU'RE RIGHT ABOUT JUSTICE JACKSON'S LINE. I THINK IT IS A CLEVER LINE, BUT ULTIMATELY, I AGREE WITH YOU. I'VE ALWAYS HAD A LITTLE BIT OF A PROBLEM WITH THAT LINE, BECAUSE WE'RE INFALLIBLE BECAUSE ...

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01:02:04
John Cornyn John Cornyn

WE'REINFALLIBLE BECAUSE WE'RE FINAL. NO, BOTH PARTS OF THAT ARE WRONG IN SOME SENSE, BECAUSE I NEVER WANT TO THINK OF THE COURT AS INFALLIBLE, AND I ALSO NEVER WANT TO THINK OF IT NECESSARILY IN THE WAY YOU'RE DESCRIBING EITHER BECAUSE THERE IS THE PEOPLE ALWAYS HAVE AN ABILITY TO CORRECT THROUGH THE AMENDMENT PROCESS. NOW, THE AMENDMENT PROCESS IS HARD AND HASN'T BEEN USED AS MUCH IN RECENT DECADES BUT OF COURSE AT THE ...

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01:02:28
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

BEGINNING OF THE COUNTRY, THE AMENDMENTS WERE CRITICAL, AND DRED SCOTT, OF COURSE, THE AWFUL EXAMPLE OF JUST A HORRIFIC SUPREME COURT DECISION THAT IS THEN CORRECTED IN PART, AT LEAST ON PAPER, IN THE 14th AMENDMENT, 13th, 14th AMENDMENTS, AND THAT'S AN IMPORTANT EXAMPLE, I THINK, OF YOUR -- PROBABLY THE BEST EXAMPLE, FRANKLY, OF THE POINT YOU'RE MAKING ABOUT THE PEOPLE BEING ABLE TO RESPOND TO HORRIFIC DECISION OF THE SUPREME COURT. IN FAIRNESS TO JUSTICE JACKSON, MAYBE HE WAS THINKING AS I ORIGINALLY THOUGHT ABOUT THE EXPRESSION AS BEING BINDING ON LOWER COURT JUDGES, TRIAL JUDGES, APPELLATE COURT JUDGES ...

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01:03:16
John Cornyn John Cornyn

AND THE SUPREME COURT DOES HAVE THE FINAL WORD IN THAT FOOD CHAIN OF THE JUDICIARY BUT NOT IN TERMS OF THE FUNDAMENTAL AUTHORITY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. TO DECIDE WHAT LAWS SHOULD GOVERN THEM. >> I THINK THAT'S PROBABLY RIGHT, SENATOR. I DON'T WANT TO BE -- JUSTICE JACKSON IS ONE OF OUR GREATEST JUSTICES SO TO QUESTION ANYTHING IS, YOU KNOW, WHETHER IT WAS DISSENT OR BARNETT, JUSTICE JACKSON WROTE SOME OF THE GREATEST OPINIONS AND THE EXAMPLE OF JUDICIAL OPINION AS WELL BUT ON THAT ONE LINE, I TAKE YOUR POINT. >> LET ME JUST ASK YOU ONE LAST QUESTION. WE'VE TALKED A LOT ABOUT THE ROLE OF ...

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01:03:56
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

PRECEDENT, AND SENATOR FEINSTEIN TALKED ABOUT STARE DECISIS BASICALLY CASES THAT HAVE BEEN DECIDED OR DECIDE THE PRECEDENT FOR FUTURE CASES, BUT ON OCCASION, THE SUPREME COURT HAS DECIDED THAT ITS DECISIONS WERE JUST WRONG AND CHOSEN TO OVERRULE THOSE PREVIOUS DECISIONS. I'M THINKING OF PLESSYV. V. FERGUSON, FOR EXAMPLE, THAT WAS A SCAR ON OUR BODY POLITIC THAT SAID SEPARATE BUT EQUAL EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS MET THE REQUIREMENT OF THE 14th AMENDMENT. BUT CAN YOU TALK ABOUT THE EXTRAORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCES UNDER WHICH THE SUPREME COURT WOULD REVISIT A PRECEDENT. WELL, BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION, OF COURSE, OVERTURNED PLESSY, AND PLESSY WAS WRONG THE DAY IT WAS DECIDED. IT WAS INCONSISTENT WITH TEXT AND MEANING OF THE 14th AMENDMENT, WHICH GUARANTEED EQUAL PROTECTION, AND THE SUPREME COURT IN THE WEST VIRGINIA CASE IN 1880 JURY SELECTION CASE HAD SAID, WHAT IS THIS AMENDMENT BUT THAT THE LAW SHALL BE THE SAME FOR THE BLACK AND THE WHITE AND THE SUPREME COURT, UNFORTUNATELY, BACKTRACKED FROM THAT CLEAR PRINCIPLE IN THE PLESSY DECISION IN A HORRIFIC DECISION WHICH ALLOWED SEPARATE BUT EQUAL AND THEN BROWN V. BOARD CORRECTED THAT IN 1954. OF COURSE, CORRECTED IT ON PAPER. IT'S STILL DECADES AND WE'RE STILL SEEKING TO ACHIEVE RACIAL EQUALITY, THE LONG MARCH FOR RACIAL EQUALITY IS NOT OVER, BUT BROWN V. BOARD, AS I'VE SAID PUBLICLY MANY TIMES BEFORE, THE SINGLE GREATEST MOMENT IN SUPREME COURT HISTORY BY, IN SO MANY WAYS, THE UNANIMITY THAT CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN ACHIEVED IS JUST A GREAT MOMENT. THE FACT THAT IT LIVED UP TO THE TEXT OF THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE, THE FACT THAT IT UNDERSTOOD THE REAL WORLD CONSEQUENCES OF THE SEGREGATION ON THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN STUDENTS WHO WERE SEGREGATED INTO OTHER SCHOOLS AND STAMPED WITH A BADGE OF INFERIORITY. THAT MOMENT IN BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION IS SO CRITICAL TO REMEMBER AND THE OPINION IS SO INSPIRATIONAL. I ENCOURAGE EVERYONE -- IT'S A RELATIVELY SHORT OPINION, BUT IT'S VERY POWERFUL, VERY FOCUSED ON THE TEXT OF THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE AND CORRECTING THAT AWFUL PRECEDENT OF PLESSY VERSUS FERGUSON, A GREAT EXAMPLE OF LEADERSHIP AND JUST THE LAST POINT I'LL ...

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01:06:41
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

MENTION ON PROCESS, THEY WERE -- IT WAS -- THEY KNEW THEY WERE GOING TO FACE POPULAR BACKLASH. THEY KNEW THEY WERE -- BUT THEY STILL DID IT SO THAT SHOWS INDEPENDENCE AND FORTITUDE, BUT THEY ALSO HAD REARGUMENT, WHICH I THINK IS A GOOD -- THEY HAD ARGUMENT ORIGINALLY AND THEN DECIDED THERE'S A LOT GOING ON AND MAYBE NOT EVERYONE'S SEEING IT THE SAME WAY AS THE JUSTICES AND THEY HAD A REARGUMENT, WHICH I THINK IS A GOOD LESSON ON PROCESS PROTECTING US AND KEEP WORKING AT IT AND KEEP WORKING AT IT AND SEE THE TEAM OF NINE THAT I MENTIONED YESTERDAY AND I MENTION TODAY, KEEP WORKING AT IT AS A TEAM OF NINE, AND THEY CAME OUT UNANIMOUS. CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN, THANKFULLY, LED THE COURT IN THAT DECISION. THAT WAS A GREAT MOMENT, THE GREATEST MOMENT IN SUPREME COURT HISTORY. >> THANK YOU, JUDGE. >> THANK YOU. I AWARDED TWO ADDITIONAL MOMENTS TO SENATOR CORNYN BECAUSE HE WAS INTERRUPTED, BY MY COUNT, FIVE TIMES DURING HIS SYSTEM. SENATOR WHITEHOUSE IS NEXT. >> GOOD AFTERNOON, JUDGE KAVANAUGH. ARE YOU GOOD FOR ANOTHER HALF HOUR? >> I'M GOOD. >> ALL RIGHT, GOOD. IN MY OFFICE, YOU TOLD ME THAT YOU COULD PROVIDE NO ASSURANCE TO ME THAT YOU WOULD UPHOLD A STATUTE REQUIRING INSURANCE COMPANIES TO PROVIDE COVERAGE FOR PREEXISTING MEDICAL CONDITIONS. IS THAT STILL TRUE HERE IN PUBLIC? >> WELL, I THINK, SENATOR, IT'S IMPORTANT TO UNDERSTAND THE PRINCIPLE AT PLAY HERE. >> WE'VE TALKED A LOT ABOUT THAT, BUT IS THE STATEMENT YOU MADE -- HAVE I RECITED IT ACCURATELY AND IS IT STILL TRUE TODAY, THAT YOU CAN GIVE NO ASSURANCE THAT YOU WOULD UPHOLD A STATUTE? >> JUDGES LIKE TO EXPLAIN THEIR DECISIONS. >> BUT I GET TO ASK THE QUESTIONS. USUALLY YOU GET THE ASK THE QUESTIONS BECAUSE YOU'RE THE APELL LA APPELLATE APPELLATE QUESTIONS BUT TODAY, FOR HALF AN HOUR, I GET TO. IS IT STILL TRUE THAT YOU CAN GIVE NO ASSURANCE THAT YOU WOULD UPHOLD A STATUTE REQUIRING ...

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01:08:32
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

INSURANCE COMPANIES TO COVER PREEXISTING MEDICAL CONDITIONS. >> SO, TO PREPARE FOR THIS MOMENT, I WENT BACK AND READ -- >> I REALLY WOULD LIKE YOU TO BE AS CAREFUL WITH YOUR TIME AS YOU CAN, BECAUSE I HAVE A VERY LIMITED AMOUNT OF TIME WITH YOU, SO THE QUICKER YOU CAN GET TO THE ANSWER, IT'S -- IT COULD BE AS SIMPLE AS YES OR NO. >> BUT I CAN ENHANCE YOUR UNDERSTANDING OF MY ANSWER IF I EXPLAIN IT, I THINK. >> I REALLY JUST WANT YOUR ANSWER ON THE RECORD. I THINK I'M PRETTY CAPABLE OF UNDERSTANDING IT ON MY OWN. >> WELL, THEN, EVERYONE TO UNDERSTAND MY ANSWER. SO, THERE'S A -- THERE'S NOMINEE PRECEDENT OF HOW JUSTICES AND NOMINEES IN MY POSITION HAVE ANSWERED IN THE PAST. I'LL BE SUCCINCT IF I CAN. AND ALL EIGHT SITTING JUSTICES -- >> YOU SAID THIS IN THE HEARING SO PEOPLE WHO ARE LISTENING AND INTERESTED HAVE ALREADY HEARD YOU SAY THIS. >> WELL, I THINK IT'S REALLY IMPORTANT. >> SAY IT AGAIN, THEN. >> I WANT TO UNDERSCORE IT. ALL EIGHT SITTING JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT HAVE MADE CLEAR THAT IT WOULD BE INCONSISTENT WITH JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE, ROOTED IN ARTICLE III, TO PROVIDE ANSWERS ON CASES OR ISSUES THAT COULD COME BEFORE US. JUSTICE GINSBURG, JUSTICE KAGAN TALKING ABOUT PRECEDENT, NO THUMBS UP OR DOWN. AND I WENT BACK. JUSTICE THURGOOD MARSHALL WAS ASKED REPEATEDLY IN HIS HEARING -- >> EVERYBODY ELSE DOES IT AND YOUR ANSWER IS STILL NO. >> THE REASON EVERYONE DOES IT IS ROOTED IN JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE AND MY RESPECT FOR PRECEDENT. IT'S MY RESPECT FOR JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE SO I CAN'T GIVE ASSURANCES ON A SPECIFIC HYPOTHETICAL. >> OKAY. THANK YOU. LET ME GO ON TO ANOTHER SUBJECT, WHICH IS EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE. EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE IS A PRINCIPLE THAT IS FOUNDED IN THE CONSTITUTION AND IN THE SEPARATION OF POWERS, CORRECT? >> THE SUPREME COURT SO RULED IN THE UNITED STATES VERSUS RICHARD NIXON CASE, SO THAT WAS THE FIRST -- THE KEY ISSUE IN UNITED STATES -- >> THAT'S ALL RIGHT. I JUST NEED THE ANSWER TO THE QUESTION AND YOU'VE ANSWERED IT. >> OKAY. THE SOURCE IS IMPORTANT. >> THE -- AS A PRIVILEGE, IT NEEDS TO BE ASSERTED, DOES IT NOT? THAT'S TRUE OF PRIVILEGES, GENERALLY? >> I DON'T KNOW WHERE THIS IS GOING, BUT THE -- >> IT'S A PRETTY STRAIGHTFORWARD QUESTION. DON'T PRIVILEGES NEED TO BE ASSERTED IN ORDER TO APPLY? >> WELL, PRIVILEGES ARE RECOGNIZED. >> ONCE THEY'RE ASSERTED. >> I THINK AS A GENERAL PROPOSITION. >> FAIR ENOUGH. WHAT I'M ASKING IS A GENERAL PROPOSITION. >> IN A ATTORNEY-CLIENT PRIVILEGE, IT'S ASSERTED. >> AND WHO ASSERTS EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE? >> ORDINARILY -- WELL, THAT IS A COMPLICATED QUESTION, SENATOR, ACTUALLY. >> WHO DOES IT COME BACK TO? ULTIMATELY, WHO ASSERTS EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE? >> SO, IT DEPENDS WHAT YOU'RE TALKING ABOUT. SO, WHAT KIND OF EXECUTIVE BRANCH DOCUMENT YOU'RE TALKING ABOUT, IT DEPENDS. IN MY EXPERIENCE. >> ULTIMATELY, IT'S THE PRESIDENT. >> THERE'S NOT AS MUCH PRECEDENT ON THAT. THERE'S SOME. THE SUPREME COURT -- THIS WAS -- THE SUPREME COURT IN THE UNITED STATES V. RICHARD NIXON -- >> ISN'T IT FAIR TO SAY THAT EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE BELONGS TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE? >> YEAH, IT CAN ALSO BELONG TO THE FORMER PRESIDENT IN THE CASE OF FORMER PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS. THAT'S ONE CAVEAT THAT I WANT TO PUT ON THAT. >> FAIR CAVEAT. IS THE ASSERTION OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE BY THE PRESIDENT SUBJECT TO USUALLY REVIEW? >> WELL, OF COURSE, BECAUSE UNITED STATES -- UNDER THE PRECEDENT, UNITED STATES V. RICHARD NIXON, SAID TWO THINGS. IT SAID ONE, THE EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE IS CONSTITUTIONALLY ROOTED. THE SPECIAL PROSECUTOR IN THAT CASE ARGUED THAT ACTUALLY THERE WAS NO SUCH THING AS EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE. AND THE SUPREME COURT REJECTED THAT ARGUMENT AND HELD THAT THE EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE IS ROOTED IN THE SEPARATION OF POWERS AND IN ARTICLE II BUT SECONDLY -- >> THE REASON I'M ASKING DOESN'T HAVE MUCH TO DO WITH YOU. IT GOES BACK TO A POINT THAT WE WERE TALKING ABOUT EARLIER IN THE HEARING, WHICH IS THAT WE HAVE RECEIVED HUNDREDS AND HUNDREDS OF PAGES OF DOCUMENTS OF YOUR RECORD THAT LOOK LIKE THIS. THEY BOTH SAY, COMMITTEE CONFIDENTIAL ACROSS THEM AT AN ANGLE, AND THEN ACROSS THE FRONT, THEY SAY, CONSTITUTIONAL PRIVILEGE. AND AS A MEMBER OF THE SENATE, THIS IS NOT A QUESTION, I'M SPEAKING TO MY COLLEAGUES, I FIND MYSELF IN A QUANDARY HERE ABOUT BEING DENIED THOSE PARTICULAR DOCUMENTS, BECAUSE I CANNOT FIND ANY ASSERTION OF THE PRIVILEGE THESE DOCUMENTS JUST SUDDENLY APPEARED, AND SOMEBODY HAD PUT, CONSTITUTIONAL PRIVILEGE ON THE PAGE AND WIPED OUT ALL THE TEXT THAT WAS ON THE PAGE, AND MY UNDERSTANDING IS THAT THERE'S ORDINARILY A PROCESS FOR GETTING TO THAT DETERMINATION THAT ALLOWS FOR, ULTIMATELY, JUDICIAL REVIEW, AND WE HAVE FAILED TO GET SUBPOENAS OUT OF THE COMMITTEE FOR DOCUMENTS, SO WE CAN'T TRIGGER IT THAT WAY, AND THERE'S NO APPARENT ASSERTION OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE THAT I CAN FIND IN THE RECORD OF HOW THIS PARTICULAR PAPER GOT HERE. SO, I JUST WANTED TO ESTABLISH SOME OF THE BASIC GROUND RULES OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE WITH YOU, BECAUSE I THINK WE AGREE ON THAT. I THINK THAT'S BASICALLY COMMONLY AGREED AND PUT THAT INTO THE CONTEXT OF WHAT WE ARE LOOKING AT AND PARTICULARLY WITH RESPECT TO CHAIRMAN LEAHY'S QUESTIONING EARLIER, IF SOME OF THE DOCUMENTS HE'S LOOKING FOR HAVE NOW BEEN PROTECTED BY THIS NONASSERTION ASSERTION OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE, WE HAVE A PROBLEM. IT IS A CONTINUING PROBLEM IN THE COMMITTEE. WE'VE HAD OTHER WITNESSES COME AND DO NONASSERTION ASSERTIONS OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE, AND SO I'M SORRY TO DRAG COMMITTEE BUSINESS BEFORE YOU, BUT I DO THINK IT IS IMPORTANT THAT WE GET THIS RIGHT. >> CAN I MAKE ONE ADDENDUM BASED ON MY ...

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01:14:29
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

EXPERIENCE FROM THE TIME WHICH IS I DON'T THINK FORMAL ASSERTIONS USUALLY OCCUR UNTIL AFTER THERE HAS BEEN A SUBPOENA, AT LEAST FROM MY TIME. >> WHICH IS WHY NOT BEING ABLE TO GET A SUBPOENA KIND OF B B OLLOCKS UP THE PROCESS, YES INDEED. THE ROLE OF THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY IN BRINGING YOU HERE TODAY HAS BEEN OF INTEREST TO ME. AS YOU KNOW, WE SPOKE ABOUT IT QUITE A LOT WHEN YOU AND I MET IN MY OFFICE. MR. McGAHN, SITTING VERY PATIENTLY BEHIND YOU, I CAN SEE HIM OVER YOUR SHOULDER, HAS SAID THAT THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY WAS IN SOURCED INTO THE WHITE HOUSE TO MAKE THESE RECOMMENDATIONS, SPECIFICALLY TO MAKE THE RECOMMENDATION THAT YOU SHOULD BE THE NOMINEE. YOU HAVE SAID THIS REGARDING PRESIDENT BUSH. THAT HE THOUGHT PFS, AND I'M QUOTING HERE, IMPROPER TO GIVE ONE GROUP, ESPECIALLY A GROUP WITH INTERESTS IN MANY ISSUES, A PREFERRED OR FAVORED POSITION ...

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01:15:37
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

IN THE NOMINATION PROCESS. THOSE WERE YOUR WORDS, SPEAKING, I GUESS, TO THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY, NATIONAL LAWYERS CONVENTION. ON ANOTHER OCCASION, YOU WROTE A DRAFT SPEECH FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL GONZALEZ OR WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL GONZALEZ D PROBABLY WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL GONZALEZ, LOOKING AT THE DATE, TO DELIVER TO THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY, AND YOU SAID IN THAT SPEECH, AS A MATTER OF CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE, IT IS SIMPLY INAPPROPRIATE, WE BELIEVE, TO AFFORD ANY OUTSIDE GROUP A QUASI-OFFICIAL ROLE IN THE PRESIDENT'S NOMINATION PROCESS. HOW DO YOU SQUARE THOSE TWO COMMENTS ABOUT THE ROLE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION IN THE NOMINATION PROCESS WITH THE ROLE OF THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY IN YOUR NOMINATION PROCESS? ASSUMING THAT MR. McGAHN WAS SPEAKING ACCURATELY WHEN HE SAID THEY HAD BEEN INSOURCED TO THE WHITE HOUSE FOR THIS PROCESS. SO, I CAN SPEAK TO THE ABA PART OF THAT. PRESIDENT BUSH, IN 2001, HAD TO MAKE A DECISION OF HOW THE ABA SHOULD PLAY ITS USUAL RATING ROLE WITH RESPECT TO NOMINEES, AND THE ABA TAKES FILES AMICUS BRIEFS AND TAKES POLICY POSITIONS ON ISSUES, AND THEREFORE, AFTER SOME DELIBERATION, IT WAS DECIDED THAT THERE WAS NOTHING WRONG WITH THE ABA RATING THE NOMINEES, BUT TO GIVE AN ORGANIZATION THAT FILES AMICUS BRIEFS AND TAKES POLICY POSITIONS A PREFERRED ROLE IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL NOMINATION PROCESS WAS UNFAIR IN SOME WAYS AND FAVORING -- WOULD IT BE A FAIR DESCRIPTION OF THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY'S ROLE IN YOUR SELECTION OF THE NOMINEE TO SAY THAT IT WAS PREFERRED OVER OTHER GROUPS? WELL, MY EXPERIENCE WAS WHEN JUSTICE KENNEDY RETIRED ON THE WEDNESDAY, MR. McGAHN CALLED ME LATER THAT AFTERNOON, SAID WE NEED TO TALK ON FRIDAY. HE CAME OVER TO MY OFFICE ON FRIDAY EVENING OR LATE AFTERNOON. WE TALKED FOR THREE OR FOUR HOURS, INTERVIEW AND GOING THROUGH THE USUAL KINDS OF QUESTIONS YOU WOULD GO THROUGH WHEN YOU'RE EMBARKING ON A PROCESS LIKE THIS. AND THEN I MET WITH THE -- INTERVIEWED WITH THE PRESIDENT ON MONDAY MORNING -- SO IS IT YOUR TESTIMONY THAT YOU DON'T KNOW WHAT THE ROLE OF THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY WAS IN YOUR SELECTION? MY EXPERIENCE OF MY PERSONAL EXPERIENCE IN WHAT I KNOW IS THAT PRESIDENT TRUMP MADE THE DECISION, FOR STARTERS. PRESIDENT TRUMP MADE THE NOMINATION. AND I KNOW HE, AS I EXPLAINED YESTERDAY, I KNOW HE SPENT A LOT TIME IN THOSE 12 DAYS ON THIS ISSUE, AND I WAS AWARE OF THAT. I ALSO KNOW THAT MR. McGAHN WAS DIRECTLY INVOLVED WITH ME, SPENT A LOT OF TIME ON IT, AND I ALSO KNOW THAT THE VICE PRESIDENT -- BUT YOU HAVE NO KNOWLEDGE TO SHARE WITH US TODAY ABOUT THE ROLE OF THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY AND HOW THEY WERE IN-SOURCED INTO THE WHITE HOUSE? THAT IS A MYSTERY TO YOU AS WELL AS TO US? I'M NOT SURE WHAT MR. McGAHN MEANT. I THINK BY THAT COMMENT -- I THINK FEDERALIST SOCIETY MEMBERS ARE -- THE LAWYERS IN THE ADMINISTRATION ARE FEDERALIST SOCIETY MEMBERS, AND SO IT SHOULD NOT BE A SURPRISE THAT -- BECAUSE IT'S AN ORGANIZATION. AND LEONARD LEO'S ROLE SPECIFICALLY, FROM THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY? I DON'T KNOW. OKAY. I DON'T KNOW THE SPECIFICS. WELL, LET'S GO FROM SPECIFICS TO GENERALS, AND LET ME PUT UP A GRAPHIC THAT SHOWS SOME OF THE FOLKS WHO FUND THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY. IT'S A PRETTY SIGNIFICANT GROUP OF PEOPLE WHO TEND TO SHARE VERY CONSERVATIVE AND PRO-CORPORATE ...

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01:19:32
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

POINTS OF VIEW. IT REFLECTS THAT AT LEAST 14 OF THE DONORS

01:19:38
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

ARE ACTUALLY ANONYMOUS, WHICH IS A VERY UNFORTUNATE PART OF OUR CURRENT POLITICAL WORLD. ACTUALLY, PROBABLY MORE THAN THAT, BECAUSE DONORS TRUST HERE IS AN ORGANIZATION WHOSE SOLE PURPOSE IS TO LAUND TERRORER THE IDENTITY OFF OF BIG DONORS SO THAT A RECIPIENT OF FUNDS CAN REPORT THEY GOT THE MONEY FROM DONORS TRUST RATHER THAN THE TRUE PARTY OF INTEREST. SO WE DON'T KNOW HOW MUCH ANONYMOUS MONEY FLOWED THROUGH THEM. BUT I WOULD CONTEND THAT THIS IS A PRETTY STRONG GROUP OF RIGHT WING CONSERVATIVE PRO-CORPORATE FUNDERS. AND PRESUMING THAT TO ...

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01:20:19
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

BE TRUE, SHOULD THAT GIVE YOU OR ANYONE IN THIS PROCESS PAUSE THAT GROUPS LIKE THIS MAY HAVE HAD SUCH A SIGNIFICANT ROLE IN SELECTING YOU TO BE IN THIS SEAT TODAY? SENATOR, MR. McGAHN WAS THE ONE WHO CONTACTED ME. I INTERVIEWED WITH THE PRESIDENT AND I KNOW THE PRESIDENT WAS -- I'M THE PRESIDENT'S NOMINEE. ...

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01:20:49
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

HE WAS DIRECTLY INVOLVED IN MAKING THAT DECISION. I'M SURE HE CONSULTED WITH MR. McGAHN AND OTHERS. I KNOW HE CAN YOU BELIEVEONSULTED WIDELY WITH A LOT OF PEOPLE TO GET ...

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01:20:59
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

INPUT ON THE -- VERY WIDELY TO GET INPUT ON AT LEAST THE PEOPLE WHO WERE THE FINALISTS. SO, THAT PART OF IT, MY 12-DAY EXPERIENCE, WAS WITH THE WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL'S OFFICE AND THE PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT TOO. >> OKAY. >> AND I ALSO DON'T -- I'M NOT FAMILIAR WITH ALL THE DONORS. >> SO WHATEVER THE ROLE OF THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY WAS IN ALL OF THIS, IT WAS, AND THERE'S PLENTY OF REPORTING, WE DON'T NEED TO LITIGATE THAT BETWEEN US, YOU DON'T KNOW IF WHAT YOU'VE TESTIFIED AND THAT'S FINE. >> ON MY PROCESS AND, AGAIN, YES. >> BUT YOU'RE FAIRLY FAMILIAR WITH THE PROCESS GENERALLY, BECAUSE YOU USED TO RUN IT IN THE BUSH WHITE HOUSE OR HAVE A SIGNIFICANT ROLE NIT,IN IT, THE PROCESS OF JUDICIAL NOMINEE SELECTION, CORRECT? YOU WENT INSIDE THAT MACHINE. >> I DID NOT RUN IT. JUDGE GONE SAZ SALZZALEZ -- >> BUT YOU'VE BEEN INSIDE THE PROCESS. >> I HAVE BEEN INSIDE THE PROCESS, YES. >> SO, THE NEXT THING THAT HAPPENS GOING FORWARD IS THAT WE SEE THE JUDICIAL CRISIS NETWORK SHOWING UP, AND THEY SPEND MILLIONS AND MILLIONS AND MILLIONS AND MILLIONS OF DOLLARS TO RUN ADS URGING ...

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01:22:15
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

SENATORS TO SUPPORT YOU. NOW, I DON'T KNOW WHETHER WE CAN SHOW THAT THOSE WERE THE SAME FUNDERS, BECAUSE THEY ARE ENGAGED IN WHAT IS CALLED, AS YOU KNOW, DARK MONEY FUNDING. THEY DON'T REPORT THEIR DONORS. BUT I'D BE PREPARED TO MAKE A VERY SUBSTANTIAL BET THAT THERE'S ENORMOUS OVERLAP BETWEEN THE FUNDERS OF THE JUDICIAL CRISIS NETWORK CAMPAIGN FOR ...

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01:22:41
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

YOUR CONFIRMATION AND THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY DONOR GROUP TO THE EXTENT THAT WE'RE AWARE OF IT SINCE SO MANY OF THEM ARE ANONYMOUS. HYPOTHETICALLY, SHOULD THE AMERICAN PEOPLE HAVE CONCERN ...

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01:22:57
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

ABOUT THE ROLE OF VERY, VERY BIG SPENDERS AND INFLUENCERS DOING THINGS LIKE BEING INVOLVED IN THE SELECTION OF A SUPREME COURT NOMINEE AND RUNNING DARK MONEY CAMPAIGNS TO SUPPORT THE CONFIRMATION OF A NOMINEE? IS THERE ANY CAUSE FOR CONCERN THERE, AS A GENERAL PROPOSITION? WELL, SENATOR, THERE ARE A LOT OF PREMISES IN YOUR QUESTION THAT I'M NOT SURE ABOUT. I'M NOT ASKING YOU TO ACCEPT THE PREMISES AS TRUE. I'M ASKING IT AS A HYPOTHETICAL. IF THERE WERE VERY, VERY SIGNIFICANT, BIG SPECIAL INTEREST FUNDING BEHIND THE ORGANIZATION THAT WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR SELECTING YOU AND RECOMMENDING TO THE PRESIDENT THAT HE NOMINATE YOU AND AGAIN FROM A VERY SIMILAR GROUP IN SUPPORTING THE DARK MONEY CAMPAIGNS THAT ARE BEING RUN ON YOUR BEHALF FOR YOUR CONFIRMATION, WOULD THAT BE A MATTER OF CONCERN OR IS THAT ALL JUST FINE AND WE SHOULDN'T EVEN CARE ABOUT GETTING THE ANSWERS? SO, TWO THINGS, SENATOR. ONE IS I DESCRIBED THE PROCESS I WENT THROUGH WITH MR. McGAHN, THE PRESIDENT, AND THE VICE PRESIDENT AND THE SELECTION. AND THAT'S WHAT I KNOW ABOUT MY PROCESS. TWO, ON THE ADS, THERE ARE A LOT OF ADS AGAINST ME AS WELL. AND I'VE SEEN THOSE. AND YOU KNOW, OUR FAMILY'S SEEN THOSE, AND THEN THERE'S ADS FOR ME AND WE'VE SEEN THOSE TOO, AND AS CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS SAID IN HIS HEARING, THAT'S A FREE ...

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01:24:25
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

COUNTRY AND THERE ARE ADS FOR OR AGAINST, AND OBVIOUSLY, AS SENATOR -- >> SHOULD WE AS CITIZENS KNOW WHO THEY ARE, WHO'S FUNDING THE ADS? JUST AS A MATTER OF CITIZENSHIP. >> ...

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01:24:33
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

WELL, I THINK THAT'S A, FIRST AND FOREMOST, A POLICY QUESTION FOR THE CONGRESS TO DECIDE ON WHAT DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENTS IT WANTS TO PUT IN, AND THEN IF THOSE DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENTS WERE PUT IN OR STATE GOVERNMENTS COULD TRY TO MAKE DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENTS, I THINK SOME HAVE TRIED, AND THEN THERE WOULD UNDOUBTEDLY BE CHALLENGES TO THAT AND WHAT'S THE FIRST AMENDMENT IMPLICATIONS OF THAT, AND THAT WOULD COME TO A COURT. AND I WOULD KEEP AN OPEN MIND ON THAT CASE UNDER THE PRECEDENT AND FIRST AMENDMENT LAW, AND WOULD THINK ABOUT THAT. THE POLICY QUESTION, I THINK, IS REALLY FOR CONGRESS IN THE FIRST PLACE TO DETERMINE, ASSESS, STUDY, EXACTLY WHAT KIND OF DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENTS SHOULD BE PUT INTO PLACE. I UNDERSTAND THE POTENTIAL -- THE POTENTIAL HAZARD THERE IS THAT THE UNLEASHED POWER OF UNLIMITED POLITICAL DARK MONEY THEN BECOMES LIKE A RATCHET. THE OBSTACLE TO SOLVING THAT PROBLEM. AND I HOPE YOU CAN UNDERSTAND THAT AS A MATTER OF POLITICAL PRINCIPLE. I DO UNDERSTAND THE CONCERNS ABOUT MONEY IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM. WHEN I WORKED FOR -- IN THE TIME IT TAKES ALL OF YOU AND WHEN I WORKED FOR PRESIDENT BUSH IN THE '04 TIME FRAME, FOR EXAMPLE, AND HOW MANY FUNDRAISERS HE HAD TO DO AND GOING BACK TO THE SEPTEMBER 11th POINT AND THE TIME AND BURDENS ON THE PRESIDENCY. IT'S A LOT EASIER SINCE NOW YOU CAN JUST GET A SPECIAL INTEREST TO SET UP A 501 C 4 AND DROP TENS OF MILLIONS OF DOLLARS IN AND IT'S LIKE THAT AND THE PUBLIC DOESN'T KNOW WHO'S BEHIND IT, ONLY A VERY FEW PEOPLE ARE IN ON WHAT THE DEAL IS. IT'S GOTTEN EASIER SINCE PRESIDENT BUSH BUT NOT BETTER. WELL, I THINK, FOR SOME MEMBERS, PARTICULARLY IN THE HOUSE, IF YOU HAVE -- IF YOU'RE RUNNING FOR REELECTION AND A THIRD PARTY GROUP COMES IN AGAINST YOU AND YOU DON'T HAVE -- YOU HAVE TO GO OUT ON THE FUND-RAISING, THAT'S PART OF THE CONCERN I'VE HEARD OVER THE YEARS, GENERALLY, IS THE TIME THAT EACH OF YOU HAS TO SPEND AND THE MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE HAVE TO SPEND. LET JUST CONTINUE ON FORWARD THROUGH THIS PROBLEM OF FUNDERS. ON THE COURT, ON THE D.C. CIRCUIT AND POTENTIALLY ON THE SUPREME COURT, YOU WILL OFTEN SEE CASES BROUGHT BY GROUPS LIKE, FOR INSTANCE, THE PACIFIC LEGAL FOUNDATION. ARE YOU FAMILIAR WITH THAT GROUP? I'VE SEEN BRIEFS BY THE PACIFIC LEGAL FOUNDATION. DO YOU KNOW WHAT THEY DO? I'LL TAKE YOUR DESCRIPTION. OKAY. MY DESCRIPTION IS THAT THEY GET MONEY FROM RIGHT WING CONSERVATIVE AND CORPORATE INTERESTS AND THEY LOOK FOR CASES AROUND THE COUNTRY THAT THEY BELIEVE THEY CAN USE TO BRING ARGUMENTS BEFORE THE COURT. I ARGUED AGAINST THEM IN THE SUPREME COURT AT ONE POINT. THEY CAME ALL THE WAY ACROSS THE COUNTRY TO THE SHORES OF WINNEPOG POND, RHODE ISLAND, TO HIRE A CLIENT WHOSE CASE THEY COULD TAKE TO THE SUPREME COURT WITH A PURPOSE TO MAKE A POINT, AND THEY'RE NOT ALONE IN DOING THIS. THERE ARE A NUMBER OF SIMILAR GROUPS WHO PERFORM THIS SERVICE, AND IT CAUSES ME TO THINK THAT SOMETIMES THE TRUE PARTY AND INTEREST IS ACTUALLY NOT THE NAMED PARTY BEFORE THE COURT BUT RATHER THE LEGAL GROUP THAT HAS HIRED THE CLIENT AND BROUGHT THEM TO THE COURT, MORE OR LESS AS A PROP IN ORDER TO MAKE ARGUMENTS TRYING TO DIRECT THE COURT IN A PARTICULAR DIRECTION. IS THAT AN UNREASONABLE CONCERN FOR US TO HAVE ABOUT THE PROCESS? SENATOR, I THINK THERE ARE PUBLIC INTEREST LITIGATION GROUPS SPANNING THE IDEOLOGICAL SPECTRUM THAT LOOK FOR CASES TO WEIGH IN ON AS AMICUS BRIEFS, IN AMICUS BRIEFS, AND THEY'RE ALSO, OF COURSE, THERE HAVE BEEN HISTORICALLY, YOU LOOK FOR, AS I UNDERSTAND IT, PEOPLE TRY TO IDENTIFY SUITABLE PLAINTIFFS TO CHALLENGE -- AND THIS, AGAIN, IS ACROSS THE ENTIRE IDEOLOGICAL SPECTRUM. WHAT ARE THE SIGNALS THAT THAT'S GOTTEN OUT OF HAND? THAT THERE'S SOMETHING ROTTEN IN DENMARK. THAT'S AN INTERESTING QUESTION, SENATOR, AND I THINK IT'S AN IMPORTANT ONE BUT IT'S NOT ONE THAT I THINK I HAVE A GREAT ANSWER TO. LET ME PROPOSE ONE THOUGHT TO YOU IS THAT THE SUPREME COURT, AT LEAST, SHOULD FIX ITS RULES ON WHO THE AMICEE ARE WHO TURN UP AND REQUIRE SOME DISCLOSURE OF WHO'S REALLY BEHIND THEM. THE ONLY THING THE SUPREME COURT REQUIRES IS TO DISCLOSE WHO PAID FOR THE BRIEF, WHICH IS NOT A VERY BIG EXPENSE SO VERY POWERFUL INTERESTS CAN COME IN BEHIND AN AMICUS GROUP THAT HAS A NAME LIKE CITIZENS FOR PEACE AND PROSPERITY AND PUPPIES AND NOBODY KNOWS WHO'S REALLY AN INTEREST. SO THAT WOULD BE ONE THING THAT I THINK WOULD BE A CONCERN. ANOTHER THING THAT WOULD BE A CONCERN, I WOULD THINK, WOULD BE WHEN YOU SEE THESE SPECIAL INTEREST GROUPS RUSHING OUT, TRYING TO LOSE CASES IN ORDER TO GET BEFORE A FRIENDLY COURT, IT REALLY SEEMS IMPROBABLE AS SOMEBODY WHO HAS ACTUALLY TRIED CASES AND WHO'S BEEN AROUND COURTROOMS A LOT AND WHO'S SEEN A LOT OF LITIGATION, A LOT OF GREAT LITIGATORS, I HAVE NEVER SEEN ANYBODY ONCE TRY TO LOSE A LEGITIMATE CASE. SO, IN THE WAKE OF JUSTICE ALITO'S SIGNALING ABOUT WHAT THEN BECAME FREDERICKS AND JANUS TO SEE THESE GROUPS RUSH OUT AND ASK THE COURT TO RULE AGAINST THEM SO THEY CAN GET A FOOT UP TO THE SUPREME COURT WHERE THEY EXPECT A GOOD OUTCOME, TO ME, THAT -- THERE'S JUST SOMETHING THAT DOESN'T SEEM RIGHT ABOUT THAT. THAT SEEMS TO ME A LITTLE BIT LIKE FAUX ...

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01:30:40
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

LITIGATION, THAT THERE'S SOMETHING ELSE GOING ON OTHER THAN REAL PARTIES HAVING REAL ARGUMENTS AND THE SUPREME COURT ULTIMATELY SETTLING PROPERLY PREPARED REAL DISPUTES. DO YOU HAVE ANY CONCERN ABOUT THE OPTICS OF PEOPLE RUSHING TO LOSE CASES BELOW TO COME BEFORE WHAT THEY THINK IS A FRIENDLY SUPREME COURT? DOES THAT SEEM JUST A LITTLE BIT ODD? >> I WILL -- I WILL ACKNOWLEDGE -- I ACKNOWLEDGE, SENATOR, I'M NOT ENTIRELY FAMILIAR WITH THAT PHENOMENON. >> OKAY. >> I WOULD BE INTERESTED IN -- >> I MIGHT FOLLOW UP WITH YOU WITH A QUESTION FOR THE RECORD TO GET YOUR MORE DELIBERATE THOUGHTS ABOUT IT. >> AND ON YOUR AMICUS THOUGHT, I'M INTERESTED IN THE SPECIFICS OF YOUR PROPOSAL AND CERTAINLY IF CONFIRMED, I WOULD -- >> BECAUSE HERE'S THE CONCERN. YOU KNOW PERFECTLY WELL THAT THE COURT DEPENDS ON AS MUCH AS ANYTHING, ON ITS REPUTATION. YOU DON'T HAVE A PURSE AND YOU DON'T HAVE AN ARMY. YOU STAND ON YOUR REPUTATION IN THE JUDICIARY, AND YOU MUST NOT ONLY ACT JUSTLY BUT BE SEEN TO ACT JUSTLY, AND WHAT I'VE LAID OUT IS A SCENARIO IN WHICH VERY BIG SPECIAL INTERESTS HAVE A SIGNIFICANT ROLE IN FUNDING THE GROUP THAT I BELIEVE AND MUCH REPORTING SAYS IS RESPONSIBLE FOR GETTING YOU TO THE TOP OF THE GREASY POLE OF NOMINEE SELECTION AND THAT THE SAME FUNDERS ARE BEHIND THE JUDICIAL CRISIS NETWORK OPERATION THAT IS POLITICALLY PUSHING FOR YOU. >> SENATOR WHITEHOUSE, WE'RE GOING TO ADD ONE MINUTE TO YOUR TIME. YOUR BEEN INTERRUPTED. >> WE WILL NOT GO BACK! >> THAT SOME PORTION OF THE SUPREME COURT'S DOCKET IS MADE UP OF STRATEGIC CASES RATHER THAN REAL LITIGATION IN WHICH SOMEBODY HAS GONE OUT TO FIND AN APPROPRIATE PLAINTIFF, HIRE THE CLIENT, BRING THEM IN, AND BY THE WAY, WHEN THEY'RE DONE WITH THEM, THEY FIRE THE CLIENT RATHER UNCEREMONIOUSLY IN MY EXPERIENCE, AND WHEN THE PROPER CASE COMES UP, YOU SEE THIS FLOOD OF SPECIAL INTEREST AMICI WITH TERRIBLE TRANSPARENCY INTO WHO IS BEHIND THEM. IN ONE CASE, WE TRACKED ONE OF THESE BIG FUNDING GROUPS BEHIND 11 DIFFERENT AMICUS BRIEFS, SO THE WHOLE AMICUS THING BEGINS TO HAVE A REALLY RANK ODOR TO IT AND AT THE END OF THE DAY, WHERE THINGS REALLY START TO GO HAYWIRE, IN MY VIEW, IS WHEN YOU GO BACK TO THOSE 5-4 DECISION THAT I TALKED ABOUT YESTERDAY WHICH IS, I THINK, ONE OF THE MOST HEARTBREAKING THINGS I'VE EXPERIENCED. I USED TO ARGUE IN FRONT OF A APPELLATE COURTS, NOT AT YOUR LEVEL. I'VE BEEN IN FRONT OF THE SUPREME COURT ONCE, IN FRONT OF THE RHODE ISLAND SUPREME COURT MORE THAN I COULD REMEMBER. I THOUGHT I WAS A REASONABLY GOOD APPELLATE LAWYER AND THE IDEA THAT OUR SUPREME COURT IS DECIDING AS MANY AS 80 CASES UNDER JUSTICE ROBERTS ON A PURE PARTISAN DIVIDE, I THINK THAT HAS A REAL SIGNALING PROBLEM, AND I HOPE THAT YOU'LL AT LEAST CONSIDER THAT THAT'S SOMETHING THAT THE COURT NEEDS TO CURE RATHER THAN MAKE WORSE IN ORDER TO CONTINUE HAVING ITS CREDIBILITY. I THINK 80 CASES IN WHICH ALL THE REPUBLICANS GO ONE WAY AND CAN'T BRING A SINGLE DEMOCRAT APPOINTEE WITH THEM, THAT'S A TOUGH DATA POINT. AND THEN WHEN YOU LOOK AT THAT TOUGH DATA POINT AND YOU SEE THAT MORE THAN 90% OF THOSE CASES, IF YOU LOOK BEHIND AT THE OUTCOME, IT HAD A BIG ONE OF THE INTERESTS THAT I MENTIONED THAT ARE VERY, VERY IMPORTANT TO BIG SPECIAL INTERESTS THAT ARE IMPLICATED AND THEN WHEN YOU LOOK AT THE WIN-LOSS RATE IN THOSE CASES AND IT'S 100%, 100% FOR THIS CROWD OF BIG SPECIAL INTERESTS, AND THEN HERE'S WHERE YOU COME IN AT THE END. THIS IS THE ROBERTS FIVE MAJORITY IN THOSE 5-4 CASES WHERE THESE CONSERVATIVE GROUPS HAVE COME IN TO THAT I CANMAKE THEIR PITCH. THEY HAVE ONE 92% OF THE TIME IN THOSE CASES. IF YOU FIGURE THEY'RE THROWING A COUPLE OF LONG BALLS, LIKE HAIL MARYS, AND MAYBE THAT'S THE 8%, THAT'S A HELL OF A RECORD. AND THEN IF YOU LOOK AT YOUR RECORD ON THE D.C. CIRCUIT WHERE THESE CONSERVATIVE GROUPS COME IN, YOU LINE RIGHT UP. 91%. 92%. AND I THINK WHEN YOU PUT THE WHOLE SAGA TOGETHER FROM THE BIG SPECIAL INTERESTS LURKING BEHIND THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY TO THE BIG SPECIAL INTERESTS FUNDING THE ...

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01:35:49
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

JUDICIAL CRISIS NETWORK TO THE BIG SPECIAL INTERESTS BEHIND THE PACIFIC LAW FOUNDATION AND THE WASHINGTON LAW FOUNDATION AND THIS LITTLE ARRAY OF, I WOULD SAY, STRATEGIC LITIGATORS WHO ARE FUNDED BY CORPORATE INTERESTS AND RIGHT WING INTERESTS, AND THEN THESE AMICI, WE DON'T KNOW WHO'S BEHIND THEM, AND THEN YOU SEE THIS RESULT, THAT'S A TABLEAU THAT IS AN ALARMING ONE, I THINK, FOR THE COURT, AND I WOULD URGE YOU TO THINK HARD ABOUT WHETHER THAT'S A DIRECTION YOU'D WANT TO CONTINUE TO GO AS AN ASSOCIATE JUSTICE OF THAT COURT. BECAUSE AT SOME POINT, THOSE NUMBERS CATCH UP WITH YOU. AT SOME POINT, AS I SAID YESTERDAY, PATTERN IS EVIDENCE OF BIAS. >> SENATOR, A COUPLE THOUGHTS. FIRST, ON THE AMICUS BRIEFS, AT LEAST IN MY EXPERIENCE, I PAY ATTENTION TO THE QUALITY OF THE ARGUMENTS IN THE BRIEFS NOT THE IDENTITY OF THE PARTIES ON THEM BUT I TAKE YOUR POINT ON THE DISCLOSURE. I'D BE INTERESTED IN THE SPECIFICS OF ANYTHING YOU'RE TALKING ABOUT, ABOUT DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE SUPREME COURT. TWO, I DO BELIEVE DEEPLY IN THE IDEA THAT WE'RE A TEAM OF NINE AND NEED TO BE WORKING TOGETHER, AND I TAKE -- I TAKE THE POINT, TOO, THAT IT'S VERY IMPORTANT, IF I'M CONFIRMED, THAT I WORK WITH, AS BEST I CAN, AND I WILL, TO MAINTAIN THE CONFIDENCE OF ALL THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND THE INDEPENDENCE AND THE IMPARTIALITY OF THE SUPREME COURT AT ALL TIMES. I'M AWARE EVERYTHING I DO, IF I WERE TO BE CONFIRMED, WOULD ...

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01:37:35
Sheldon Whitehouse Sheldon Whitehouse

HELP AFFECT THAT. HOW I DECIDE, WHAT I WRITE IN OPINIONS, HOW I TREAT LITIGANTS IN ORAL ARGUMENT, WHERE I SPEAK, WHAT I TEACH, WHAT I SAY ON THE OUTSIDE, EVERYTHING GOES INTO HOW I BEHAVE, WHAT I DO IN MY VOLUNTEER TIME. EVERYTHING GOES INTO THE IMPRESSIONS OF ME AS ONE PART, IF I'M CONFIRMED, THE SUPREME COURT AND I TAKE VERY SERIOUSLY YOUR BROADER POINT ABOUT MAINTAINING CONFIDENCE OF ALL THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND THE INTEGRITY OF THE SUPREME COURT. >> THAT WOULD A FIRST FOR YOU! YOU'RE A POLITICAL HACK WHO WOULD TAKE HEALTH CARE AND WOMEN'S RIGHT TO CHOOSE. NOW YOU PRETEND TO BE IMPARTIAL. >> MY TIME ISSICS EXPIRED. >> I'M HAPPY TO GIVE YOU AN ADDITIONAL MINUTE IF YOU'D LIKE. >> JUST TO MAKE A FINAL POINT, ACTUALLY, I THINK THIS IS NOT AN OFFSHORE STORM. IT HAS MADE LANDFALL WHEN YOU SEE POLLING THAT SHOWS THAT 49% OF ...

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01:38:37
Mike Lee Mike Lee

AMERICANS THINK A CORPORATION WILL GET A FAIRER SHOT IN THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT THAN AN INDIVIDUAL. SEVEN TIMES AS MANY THAT THINK IT'S THE OTHER WAY. NOW YOU STILL HAVE A FEW TO WORK WITH WHO ARE UNDECIDED ON THAT QUESTION, BUT THE FACT THAT ABOUT HALF OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ALREADY BELIEVE THAT CORPORATIONS WILL BE TREATED MORE FAIRLY IN THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT THAN HUMAN BEINGS WILL AND THE ALIGNMENT OF THAT WITH THE FACTS THAT I HAVE SHOWN YOU ABOUT THE SUPREME COURT'S RECORD OF 80 PARTISAN DECISIONS, 92% INVOLVING BIG CORPORATE SPECIAL INTERESTS AND 100% WIN RATE FOR THEM IN THOSE CASES, I THINK WE'RE AT A TOUGH PLACE RIGHT NOW, AND I THINK WE REALLY NEED TO GET BACK AWAY FROM THAT. SO THANK YOU. >> THANK YOU, SENATOR WHITE IT'LL HOUSE. JUDGE KAVANAUGH, I WANT TO GET BACK TO A COUPLE OF QUESTIONS THAT MY COLLEAGUE WAS ASKING YOU JUST A MINUTE AGO. DID ANYONE FROM THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY CONTACT YOU ABOUT THE VACANCY AFTER JUSTICE KENNEDY MADE HIS ANNOUNCEMENT THAT HE WOULD BE STEPPING DOWN FROM THE COURT? >> NO. >> AND DURING THE CAMPAIGN OF PRESIDENT TRUMP, AS I RECALL, HE CAME OUT WITH TWO DIFFERENT LISTS, TWO DIFFERENT LISTS OF POSSIBLE SPROURPTUPREME COURT NOMINEES. THE FIRST LIST HAD 11 NAMES. THE SECOND LIST HAD 21 NAMES ON IT, WHICH INCLUDED THE PREVIOUS 11. THERE WERE REPORTS AT THE TIME THAT SOME OUTSIDE GROUPS HAD HAD SOME INVOLVEMENT IN THAT. WERE YOU INVOLVED IN THE FIRST LIST? WERE YOU INCLUDED IN THE FIRST LIST? >> I WAS NOT. >> WERE YOU INCLUDED IN THE SECOND LIST? >> I WAS NOT. >> OKAY. SO, YOU WERE -- YOU BECAME UNDER CONSIDERATION ONLY AFTER PRESIDENT TRUMP TOOK OFFICE, CORRECT? >> THAT'S MY UNDERSTANDING. THAT'S WHEN I BECAME IDENTIFIED. >> AND AFTER HE WAS STAFFED UP, AFTER HE HAD HIS OWN STAFF, HIS OWN STAFF WITHIN THE WHITE HOUSE. WITHIN THE SUPREME COURT, IS IT THE CASE THAT THERE IS AN AISLE, MUCH AS THERE IS IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE OR THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES? >> THERE'S NO AISLE OR SEPARATE CAUCUS ROOMS IN THE SUPREME COURT. EITHER LITERALLY OR FIGURATIVELY IN MY VIEW. >> AND UNDER MOST CIRCUMSTANCES, IN MOST YEARS, IN RECENT -- IN THE PAST DECADE OR SO, THE NUMBER OF CASES THAT ARE DECIDED ON A 5-4 MARGIN HAVE BEEN VERY LOW, LESS THAN 20% AS FAR AS I CAN COUNT. IS THAT ROUGHLY CONSISTENT WITH YOUR ONCING? >> THAT IS. >> MEANING THAT THE CONFIGURATION OF 5-4 IS MUCH LESS COMMON THAN BASICALLY ALL OF THE OTHERS. IT IS DWARFED IN COMPARISON TO THOSE CASES THAT ARE DECIDED EITHER 9-0, WHICH IS OFTEN THE BIGGEST CONTINGENT, OR 8-1 OR 7-2 OR 6-3. NOW, EVEN IN THOSE CASES THAT ARE DECIDED 5-4, DOES THE FACT THAT IT WAS DECIDED 5-4 MAKE IT ANY LESS OF A LEGITIMATE DECISION? DOES IT MAKE THE JUDGMENT ANY LESS BINDING ON THE PARTIES IN THAT CASE? >> NO, IT IS STILL A DECISION OF THE COURT. NO MATTER WHAT THE ULTIMATE MAJORITY OPINION IS COMPOSED OF. >> AND WOULD IT BEHOOVE A LAWYER WHO WAS AN OFFICER OF THE COURT TO CALL INTO QUESTION THE SUBJECTIVE MOTIVATIONS OF A COURT SIMPLY BECAUSE OF THE FACT THAT THE COURT DECIDED A CASE OF A 5-4 BASIS? >> WELL, IF I WERE A LAWYER ARGUING BEFORE THE SUPREME COURT, I PROBABLY WOULD REFRAIN FROM QUESTIONING THE MOTIVATIONS OF THE JUSTICES. I THINK EACH OF THE JUSTICES -- I KNOW THEM. THEY ARE ALL COMMITTED TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES AND IMPARTIALLY DISCHARGING THEIR DUTIES. OF COURSE, HAVE DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES ON CERTAIN ISSUES, BUT THEY'RE ALL -- I THINK WE'RE FORTUNATE TO HAVE EIGHT HARD-WORKING JUSTICES WHO HAVE OUTSTANDING RECORDS AND ARE COMMITTED TO THE CONSTITUTION AND COMMITTED TO THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY. >> WHAT ABOUT IN THE CIRCUIT COURT, IN THE D.C. CIRCUIT WHERE YOU HAVE SERVED? WOULD IT BE FAIR TO SUGGEST THAT A CASE IS SOMEHOW LESS LEGITIMATELY DECIDED IF THAT CASE WERE DECIDED ALONG THE LINES OF THE -- WHICH PRESIDENT APPOINTED WHICH MEMBER OF THE D.C. CIRCUIT? >> THE PRECEDENT STANDS EITHER WAY. >> THANK YOU. I WANT TO GET BACK TO A SEPARATION OF POWERS POINT THAT HAS COME UP ALONG VARIOUS LINES OF QUESTIONS ASKED BY MY COLLEAGUES TODAY. IS THE CONSTITUTION RELEGATED TO THE JUDICIAL BRANCH? IS IT SOMETHING THAT IS TO BE UPHELD AND INTERPRETED ONLY BY THOSE WHO WEAR BLACK ROBES? >> NO, SENATOR. LET ME TAKE YOU THROUGH THE PROCESS. CONGRESS, OF COURSE, PASSES LAWS, AND IN CONSIDERING LAWS, CONGRESS WILL ALSO OFTEN ASSESS THE POSSIBLE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF THE LAWS PASSED. SO IN THE FIRST INSTANCE, WHEN YOU'RE CONSIDERING THE PASSAGE OF A LAW, YOU MIGHT ASSESS THE FIRST AMENDMENT IMPLICATIONS OR IF IT'S A NATIONAL SECURITY, THE FOURTH AMENDMENT IMPLICATIONS, AND -- OR THE DUE PROCESS, FIFTH AMENDMENT IMPLICATIONS. >> AND WE'VE ALL TAKEN OUR OWN OATH TO UPHOLD THE CONSTITUTION, RIGHT, SO YOU DO YOUR BEST AND THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH AS WELL, A CONSTITUTIONAL -- WHETHER TO SIGN THE BILL, FOR EXAMPLE, FOR THE PRESIDENT, IF THE PRESIDENT HAS A CONSTITUTIONAL CONCERN OR A POLICY CONCERN, BUT THE PRESIDENT COULD VETO THE BILL FOR THAT REASON. THAT HAS CERTAINLY HAPPENED TIS HOIRKLY. HISTORICALLY. AND THEN WHEN IT COMES TO THE COURT, OF COURSE, WE ARE -- WE ASSESS IN CASES OR CONTROVERSIES THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF A LAW THAT IS CHALLENGED THERE IN THE CONTEXT OF A SPECIFIC CASE OR CONTROVERSY. WE DON'T -- PRESIDENT WASHINGTON, GEORGE WASHINGTON, ASKED THE SUPREME COURT FOR AN ADVISORY OPINION IN HIS FIRST TERM ON A DISPUTED LEGAL ISSUE -- ACTUALLY, MIGHT HAVE BEEN HIS SECOND TERM. BUT PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON ASKED FOR AN OPINION AND THE SUPREME COURT RESPECTFULLY WROTE BACK AND SAID, WE DON'T PROVIDE ADVISORY OPINIONS. WE DECIDE CASES OR CONTROVERSIES. THEREBY, I THINK, UNDERSCORING THE POINT YOU'RE MAKING WITH YOUR QUESTION, WHICH IS CONSTITUTIONALITY OF LAWS IS ...

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01:45:39
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

ASSESSED -- IS ASSESSED IN THE FIRST INSTANCE BY CONGRESS AND THE EXECUTIVE. >> SO, IT WOULD BE NOT -- IT WOULD NOT BE INAPPROPRIATE FOR US AS MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH TO DECIDE TO PROTECT SOMETHING THAT WE BELIEVE IS CONSTITUTIONALLY PROTECTED, REGARDLESS OF WHERE WE MIGHT PLACE OUR BETS ON WHAT THE COURTS WOULD DO WITH IT. IF WE SEE A PARTICULAR RIGHT THAT MIGHT BE JEOPARDIZED BY AN ACT OF CONGRESS WE ARE CONSIDERING, WOULDN'T BE INAPPROPRIATE FOR US TO SAY, LOOK, WE'RE NOT SURE EXACTLY HOW FAR THE SUPREME COURT WILL GO HERE. OUT OF AN ABUNDANCE OF CAUTION, OUT OF RESPECT FOR THE CONSTITUTION, WE'RE GOING TO DRAW THE LINE MORE CAREFULLY SO THAT WE MAKE SURE THAT WE DON'T STEP INTO UNCONSTITUTIONAL TERRITORY. >> THAT HAS HAPPENED HISTORICALLY AND I THINK HAPPENS TODAY. THAT UNDERSCORES HOW THE CONSTITUTION TILTS TOWARD LIBERTY IN SO MANY DIFFERENT WAYS. IT TILTS TOWARD LIBERTY BECAUSE IT'S HARD TO PASS A LAW, AS YOU KNOW, WITH BOTH HOUSES AND THE PRESIDENT. AND THEN NOT ONLY MIGHT THERE BE POLICY OBJECTIONS, BUT MEMBERS OF CONGRESS MIGHT SAY, WELL, EVEN IF THE SUPREME COURT WOULD UPHOLD THIS LAW BASED ON MY ASSESSMENT OF THE SUPREME COURT, I HAVE A FIRST AMENDMENT OBJECTION, FOURTH AMENDMENT OBJECTION, EIGHTH AMENDMENT, CRUEL AND UNUSUAL PUNISHMENTS CLAUSE OBJECTION, EQUAL PROTECTION OBJECTION AND BASED ON MY VIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION, I'M GOING TO VOTE NO ON THIS LAW. THAT'S ANOTHER WAY IN WHICH THE CONSTITUTIONALAL STRUCTURE ALL FITS TOGETHER AND TILTS TOWARD LIBERTY. >> FOR THAT VERY REASON, IT WOULD PROBABLY LEAD TO SOME BAD RESULTS IF WE WERE NOT TO DO THAT. IF WE WERE ALWAYS INCLINED TO SAY THIS F IT'S UNCONSTITUTIONAL, ...

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01:47:20
Mike Lee Mike Lee

THE COURT WILL DO SOMETHING ABOUT IT. CAN YOU FORESEE INSTANCES IN WHICH THAT COULD CREATE PROBLEMS. >> YES, SENATOR, AND I THINK JUSTICE KENNEDY HAS WRITTEN ELOQUENTLY ABOUT THIS. EACH OFFICIAL -- EACH OFFICER IN CONGRESS, EACH MEMBER OF CONGRESS, EACH SENATOR, THE PRESIDENT TAKES AN OATH, OF COURSE. THE CONSTITUTIONAL OATH TO ABIDE BY THE CONSTITUTION, AND THAT'S VERY IMPORTANT FOR EACH MEMBER TO UNDERSTAND AND UNDERSCORES -- I KNOW ALL OF YOU DO, AND THAT IS AN IMPORTANT PART OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS PROCESS. I DON'T THINK THAT THE FRAMERS THOUGHT, WELL, LET'S PASS SOMETHING EVEN THOUGH WE OURSELVES, MEANING THE MEMBERS OF CONGRESS, THINK THERE'S A CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEM HERE, AND THAT -- THAT'S NOT HOW IT HAS WORKED HISTORICALLY, NOR DO I THINK THAT'S HOW THE FRAMERS NECESSARILY INTENDED FOR CONGRESS TO WORK. >> AND THERE ARE MYRIAD INSTANCES, MOREOVER, IN WHICH WE MIGHT ENACT SOMETHING THAT FOR SOME REASON OR ANOTHER MIGHT NOT BE CHALLENGED FOR A LONG TIME OR MIGHT BE DIFFICULT TO CHALLENGE DUE TO ABILITY, SOMEBODY LACKING STANDING, ABSENCE OF A RIPE CONTROVERSY AND SO FORTH. >> THAT HAPPENS IN THE NATIONAL SECURITY CONTEXT, I THINK, SENATOR, BECAUSE THEY'RE OFTEN NOT SOMEONE WITHSTANDING, ESPECIALLY IF IT'S SOMETHING BEING DONE IN A FOREIGN COUNTRY AGAINST FOREIGN CITIZENS THAT MIGHT BE DIFFICULT TO GET INTO COURT APPROXIMATEIN SOME WAY OR ANOTHER. >> ONE OF THE REASONS I FOCUS ON THIS TODAY IS THERE WAS AN EXCHANGE YOU HAD WITH ONE OF MY COLLEAGUES EARLIER TODAY ABOUT THE INDEFINITE DETENTION OF AMERICAN CITIZENS APPREHENDED ON U.S. SOIL. THERE WAS SOME DISCUSSION SURROUNDING THIS, SUGGESTING THAT ...

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01:49:00
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

EXPARTE MIGHT SOMEHOW JUSTIFY THIS. YOU DON'T NEED TO RESPOND TO THIS BUT I THINK IT'S A POINT THAT NEEDS TO BE MENTIONED. JUSTICE SCALIA MENTIONED IN HIS DISSENT THAT EX PARTE CURAN WAS NOT THIS COURT'S FINEST HOUR. IN FACT, WHAT HAPPENED WAS THE CASE WAS ARGUED. IT WAS DECIDED THE NEXT DAY. THE SABOTEURS WERE TAKEN OUT AND EXECUTED THE NEXT WEEK. THEN THE OPINION ITSELF WAS ISSUED MANY MONTHS LATER. SO, AGAIN, I'M NOT ASKING YOU TO OPINE ON THE ONGOING VALIDITY OF IT, BUT THE POINT IS, YOU SEEM TO AGREE THAT CONGRESS CERTAINLY HAS THE AUTHORITY TO PROTECT LIBERTY, NOTWITHSTANDING THE POSSIBILITY THAT THE SUPREME COURT MIGHT NOT STEP IN, IN A PARTICULAR CASE. >> ABSOLUTELY. A COUPLE POINTS IN RESPONSE TO THAT, SENATOR, IF I MIGHT. JUSTICE SCALIA, OF COURSE, DISSENTED IN THAT CASE, JOINED BY JUSTICE STEPHENS, ONE OF HIS MORE POWERFUL DISSENTS. ON INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY. >> THE AMERICAN PEOPLE HAVE NO FAITH IN YOU, SIR! >> ONE OF HIS MORE POWERFUL DISSENTS, PROTECTING INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY, THEY'RE RULING JUSTICE SCALIA WITH JUSTICE STEPHENS THAT IT WAS ILLEGAL TO HOLD AN AMERICAN CITIZEN AND I THOUGHT THAT WAS AN IMPORTANT OPINION OF HIS WHEN I GAVE A TALK ABOUT ABOUT JUSTICE SCALIA, I IDENTIFIED THAT AS ONE OF HIS MOST IMPORTANT OPINIONS AND A VERY POWERFUL OPINION. ON THE KEIREN OPINION I.T.TSELF, IT ALSO DEALT WITH MANY WHO WERE NOT AMERICAN CITIZENS BUT YOU'RE RIGHT, THERE WAS AN AMERICAN CITIZEN INVOLVED. THE COURT, YOU'RE RIGHT, ALSO, OF COURSE, YOU'VE STUDIED THIS AS MUCH AS ANYONE, BUT THE COURT DID RESOLVE THE CASE VERY QUICKLY AND THE OPINION -- I'VE SPENT MANY AN HOUR TRYING TO DECIPHER CERTAIN PARAGRAPHS OF THAT OPINION FOR CASES I'VE HAD. IT'S NOT EASY. I WILL SAY THE COURT, TO ITS CREDIT, GIVE A LITTLE CREDIT, DID HAVE AN EIGHT-HOUR OR SOMETHING ORAL ARGUMENT. THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES ARGUED KEIREN PERSONALLY, AND I READ THE TRANSCRIPT OF THAT TO TRY TO FIGURE OUT WHAT WAS GOING ON IN THE OPINION THAT DID NOT UNLOCK THE BOX COMPLETELY FOR ME ON WHAT WAS GOING ON IN THE KEIREN OPINION, BUT YOUR POINT, JUSTICE SCALIA DID SAY IT WAS NOT THE COURT'S FINEST HOUR. IT WAS A RUSH. IT WAS A RUSH, AND RUSHES -- SOMETIMES THE COURT HAS TO RUSH, BUT RUSH DECISIONS, IN A JUDICIAL CONTEXT, SOMETIMES AREN'T ALWAYS THE BEST. >> ON THAT POINT, WOULD YOU BE OPEN TO THE IDEA OF BRINGING BACK THE ERA OF THE EIGHT-HOUR ORAL ARGUMENT? >> YEAH, THE -- THE EIGHT-HOUR ORAL ARGUMENT. WE DID HAVE ONE IN A CASE MAYBE TWO YEARS AGO THAT WENT ALL AFTERNOON. >> THAT SOUNDS LIKE A LOT OF FUN. >> AFTER WE GOT BACK TO THE CONFERENCE ROOM, I DON'T THINK ANYONE WAS SAYING WE SHOULD DO THAT IN EVERY CASE. >> UNDERSTOOD. UNDERSTOOD. LET'S TALK ABOUT JUDICIAL PHILOSOPHY FOR A MINUTE. I'D LIKE TO DISCUSS FEDERALIST 78. IN FEDERALIST 78, HAMILTON DISCUSSES THE DICHOTOMY BETWEEN WILL ON THE ONE HAND AND JUDGMENT ON THE OTHER. WILL BEING SOMETHING THAT IS EXERCISED BY THE POLITICAL BRANCHES, PRIMARILY BY THE CONGRESS, BY THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH, AND JUDGMENT BEING SOMETHING EXERCISED BY THE JUDICIAL BRANCH. WHAT'S THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THOSE TWO? >> THE JUDICIAL BRANCH IS DECIDING CASES OR CONTROVERSIES ACCORDING TO LAW. THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH IS MAKING THE POLICY, EXERCISING THE WILL. THE JUDICIAL BRANCH CAN ...

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01:53:01
Mike Lee Mike Lee

NEVER EXERCISE THE POLICYMAKING ROLE THAT IS RESERVED TO THE CONGRESS. NOW, ADMITTEDLY, THAT'S SPEAKING AT A LEVEL

01:53:07
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

OF GENERALITY, AND THEY'RE TOUGH CASES AT THE MARGINS, ALWAYS -- TRYING TO FIGURE OUT WHAT THE LINE IS HERE, BUT AS A GENERAL PROPOSITION, IT'S IMPORTANT FOR EVERY JUDGE TO GO IN WITH THE MINDSET OF, I'M NOT THE POLICY MAKER, I'M THE LAW INTERPRETER, THE LAW APPLIER IN A PARTICULAR CASE, AND I THINK THAT'S A VERY IMPORTANT PART OF THE FEDERALIST PAPERS THAT'S WOVEN INTO THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE AND INTO ARTICLE III AND THAT JUDGES -- I CERTAINLY HAVE TRIED FOR 12 YEARS AS A JUDGE ON THE D.C. CIRCUIT TO INCORPORATE THAT BASIC FOUNDATIONAL PRINCIPLE INTO HOW I APPROACH EACH CASE, AND IT IS A VERY CRITICAL BEDROCK PRINCIPLE OF WHAT JUDGES DO IN OUR CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM. NOW, WITHIN THAT FRAMEWORK, WHEN WE ENACT A LAW, WHAT DETERMINES WHAT IT IS THAT YOU HAVE TO INTERPRET IT -- THAT YOU HAVE TO INTERPRET? IS IT WHAT WE SAY OR IS IT WHAT WE SUBJECTIVELY INTENDED? IT IS WHAT IS WRITTEN IN THE TEXT OF THE STATUTE. JUSTICE KAGAN SAID IT WELL AT A TALK TWO YEARS AGO, MAYBE THREE, AT HARVARD LAW SCHOOL. I WAS PRESENT IN THE AUDIENCE. SHE SAID, WE'RE ALL TEXTUALISTS NOW. SHE WAS TALKING ABOUT JUSTICE SCALIA, WHO OF COURSE BROUGHT ABOUT SIGNIFICANT CHANGE IN THE FOCUS OF ALL FEDERAL JUDGES. I'VE SEEN IT ACROSS THE SUPPOSED PHILOSOPHICAL SPECTRUM. ALL FEDERAL JUDGES PAY VERY CLOSE ATTENTION TO THE TEXT OF THE STATUTE, AND THAT'S WHY I THINK JUSTICE KAGAN SAID WE'RE ALL TEXTUALIZED NOW BECAUSE SHE EXPLAINED THAT EVERY JUDGE REALLY CARES ABOUT THE WORDS THAT ARE PASSED BY CONGRESS. NOW, WHY IS THAT? I THINK ABOUT IT BOTH FROM A FORMAL AND A FUNCTIONALIST PERSPECTIVE. AS A FORMAL MATTER, THE LAW PASSED BY CONGRESS IS THE BINDING LAW. IT IS THE WHAT IS SIGNED BY THE PRESIDENT. IT'S WHAT'S GONE THROUGH THE SENATE AND THE HOUSE, AND THAT IS THE LAW. BUT IT ALSO, AS A PRACTICAL OR FUNCTIONAL MATTER, I THINK THE -- HAVING SEEN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS, I KNOW HOW PRIMZ COMPROMISES COME TOGETHER WITHIN THE HOUSE, WITHIN THE SENATE, THERE'S NEGOTIATIONS, LATE AT NIGHT, OVER PRECISE WORDS AND COMPROMISES, INEVITABLY. LEGISLATION IS COMPROMISE. THE CONSTITUTION WAS A COMPROMISE. LEGISLATION'S A COMPROMISE. AND WHEN WE DEPART FROM THE WORDS THAT ARE SPECIFIED IN THE TEXT OF THE STATUTE, WE'RE POTENTIALLY UPSETTING THE COMPROMISE THAT YOU ALL CAREFULLY NEGOTIATED IN THE LEGISLATIVE NEGOTIATIONS THAT YOU MIGHT HAVE HAD WITH EACH OTHER, AND SO THAT'S A DANGER THAT I TRY TO POINT OUT WHEN WE'RE HAVING ORAL ARGUMENT IN A CASE OR WE'RE DECIDING CASES THAT IF WE DEVIATE FROM WHAT CONGRESS WROTE, WE'RE POTENTIALLY UPSETTING THIS CAREFUL COMPROMISE, EVEN IF WE THINK WE WOULD HAVE STRUCK THE COMPROMISE IN A DIFFERENT PLACE AS JUDGES, THAT'S NOT REALLY OUR ROLE. SO I THINK BOTH AS A FORMAL AND FUNCTIONAL MATTER, IT'S IMPORTANT TO STICK TO THE TEXT. THERE ARE CANNONS OF INTERPRETATIONS WHICH CAUSE YOU PRESUMPTIONS OF MENS REA, THAT CAUSE YOU TO SUPER IMPOSE A PRESUMPTION ON THE TEXT, BUT OTHERWISE STICKING TO WHAT YOU PASS SECOND-DEGREE VERY PASSED IS VERY IMPORTANT. BUT YOU CERTAINLY CONSIDER YOURSELF A TEXTUALIST. JUDGING IS PAYING ATTENTION TO THE TEXT OF THE STATUTE, INFORMED BY THOSE CANONS OF CONSTRUCTION SUCH AS PRESUMPTION AGAINST EXTRATERRITORIALITY, PRESUMPTION AGAINST MENS REA. SOME OF THE CANONS ARE NOT SO SETTLED, WHICH IS A WHOLE SEPARATE HALF HOUR OF DISCUSSIONS. HOW DOES TEXTUALISM RELATE TO OR DIFFER FROM ORIGINALISM? ORIGINALISM, AS I SEE IT, HAS, TO MY MIND, MEANS, IN ESSENCE, CONSTITUTIONAL TEXTUALISM, MEANING THE ORIGINAL PUBLIC MEANING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL TEXT. NOW, THE ORIGINALISM, IT'S VERY CAREFUL WHEN YOU TALK ABOUT ORIGINALISM TO UNDERSTAND THAT PEOPLE ARE HEARING DIFFERENT THINGS SOMETIMES, SO JUSTICE KAGAN, AGAIN, AT HER CONFIRMATION HEARING, SAID WE'RE ALL ORIGINALISTS NOW, WHICH WAS HER COMMENT. BY THAT, SHE MEANT THE PRECISE TEXT OF THE CONSTITUTION MATTERS AND BY THAT, THE ORIGINAL PUBLIC MEANING. OF COURSE, INFORMED BY HISTORY AND TRADITION AND PRECEDENT. THOSE MATTER AS WELL. THERE'S A DIFFERENT CONCEPTION THAT SOME PEOPLE USED TO HAVE OF ORIGINALISM, WHICH WAS ORIGINAL INTENT. IN OTHER WORDS, WHAT DID THE PEOPLE -- SOME PEOPLE -- SUBJECTIVELY. SUBJECTIVELY INTEND THE TEXT TO MEAN, AND THAT HAS FALLEN OUT OF THE ANALYSIS, BECAUSE, FOR EXAMPLE, LET'S JUST TAKE THE 14th AMENDMENT EQUAL PROTECTION LAW. IT SAYS, RIGHT IN THE TEXT, EQUAL PROTECTION. EQUAL MEANS EQUAL. AS THE SUPREME COURT SAID, WHAT IS THAT BUT THE LAW SHALL BE THE SAME FOR THE BLACK AND THE WHITE. THAT'S BROWN V. BOARD, FOCUSES ON THE TEXT. BUT THERE WERE SOME RACIST MEMBERS OF CONGRESS INVOLVED IN THE -- WHO DIDN'T THINK IT SHOULD APPLY IN THAT WAY TO CERTAIN ASPECTS OF PUBLIC LIFE. BUT WE DON'T -- IF YOU'RE DOING -- PAYING ATTENTION TO THE TEXT, YOU DON'T TAKE ACCOUNT OF THOSE SUBJECTIVE INTENTIONS, NOR IS IT PROPER AS A GENERAL PROPOSITION TO TAKE ACCOUNT OF THE SUBJECTIVE INTENTIONS. THEY COULD BE EVIDENCE IN CERTAIN CASES, THE FIRST AMENDMENT, FOR EXAMPLE, OF THE ...

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01:58:39
Mike Lee Mike Lee

MEANING OF THE WORDS. >> OF THE ORIGINAL PUBLIC MEANING. >> OF THE ORIGINAL PUBLIC MEANING. THEY COULD BE EVIDENCE OF THAT BUT YOU DON'T FOLLOW THE SUBJECTIVE INTENTION. SO ORIGINAL PUBLIC MEANING, ORIGINALISM, WHAT I HAVE REFERRED TO AS CONSTITUTIONAL TEXTUALISM, WHAT SENATOR CRUZ REFERRED TO AS CONSTITUTIONALISTS, I THINK THOSE ARE ALL REFERRING TO SAME THINGS WHICH IS THE WORDS OF THE CONSTITUTION MATTER. OF COURSE, AS I'VE SAID REPEATEDLY, YOU ALSO LOOK AT THE HISTORY. YOU LOOK AT THE TRADITION, FEDERALIST 39 -- 37 TELLS US TO LOOK AT THE LIQUIDATION OF THE MEETING BY HISTORICAL PRACTICE OVER TIME. AND THEN YOU LOOK AT PRECEDENT, WHICH IS WOVEN INTO ARTICLE III, AS I SAID, IN FEDERALIST 78. BUT THE -- ...

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01:59:27
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

YOU KNOW, START WITH THE WORDS, AS JUSTICE KAGAN SAID, WE'RE ALL ORIGINALISTS NOW IN THAT RESPECT AS FAR AS PAYING ATTENTION TO THE WORDS OF THE CONSTITUTION. >> SO IF WE STIPULATE FOR OUR PURPOSES TODAY, AS WE'RE HAVING THIS CONVERSATION, THAT ORIGINALISM REFERS TO, BASICALLY, TEXTUALISM APPLIED IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL SPHERE WITH AN EYE TOWARD IDENTIFYING THE ORIGINAL PUBLIC MEANING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL TEXT AT ISSUE, YOU'RE AN ORIGINALIST. >> THAT'S CORRECT. AND JUSTICE KAGAN -- AS JUSTICE KAGAN SAID, I THINK THAT'S WHAT SHE MEANT, WE'RE ALL ORIGINALISTS NOW, AND I THINK SHE SAID WHAT SHE MEANT AND MEANT WHAT SHE SAID WHEN SHE SAID THAT. >> WHAT, BY THE WAY, WOULD BE THE ARGUMENT AGAINST THAT? TO ME, THAT SOUNDS LIKE JUDGING. WHAT WOULD ONE ARGUE AGAINST BEING THAT TYPE OF JUDGE? AGAINST BEING A TEXTUALIST ORIGINALIST? >> WELL, THERE ARE DIFFERENT PHILOSOPHIES OF WHAT A JUDGE DOES, BUT I THINK THE JUDGE -- YOU KNOW, WHAT THE ROLE OF A JUDGE IS, BUT I THINK THE LAW -- ARTICLE VI OF THE CONSTITUTION SAYS THIS CONSTITUTION SHALL BE THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND AND THE WORD LAW IS VERY IMPORTANT THERE. IT'S NOT A SET OF ASPIRATIONAL PRINCIPLES. IT'S LAW. THAT CAN BE APPLIED IN COURT AND WHAT IS THE LAW. THE LAW ARE THE WORDS THAT WERE RATIFIED ...

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02:00:44
Mike Lee Mike Lee

BY THE PEOPLE AND THEREFORE CAN BE APPLIED IN THE COURTS OF THE UNITED STATES. AND IT SAYS THE SUPREME LAW. WHAT DOES IT MEAN BY THAT? IT MEANS WHEN YOU PASS A STATUTE THAT IS INCONSISTENT WITH THE CONSTITUTION, THE SUPREME LAW CONTROLS, NAMELY THE CONSTITUTION CONTROLS OVER A CONTRARY STATUTE AND THAT'S OF COURSE ALSO DISCUSSED IN FEDERALIST 78 AS WELL. OF WHAT'S THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND AND THE CONSTITUTION'S THE SUPREME LAW. AGAIN, PRECEDENT, HISTORY -- HISTORICAL PRACTICE, SUBSEQUENT TO THE PASSING OF THE TEXT, WE SEE THAT, FOR EXAMPLE, IN ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE CASES. THE COURT WILL OFTEN LOOK, WHAT'S THE TEXT, AND PRECEDENT, WHICH IS ROOTED IN ARTICLE III. THE WORDS, THE ORIGINAL PUBLIC MEANING, ARE AN IMPORTANT PART OF CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION AND HAS BEEN, I THINK, THROUGHOUT. >> LET'S SUPPOSE CONGRESS, IN ITS INFINITE WISDOM, WITH ITS APPROVAL RATING THAT RAINGNGES ...

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02:01:51
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

BETWEEN 9% AND 11%, MAKING US SLIGHTLY LESS POPULAR THAN RAUL CASTRO AND SLIGHTLY MORE POPULAR THAN THE INFLUENZA VIRUS, WHICH IS RAPIDLY GAINING ON BUSY. THERE'S POLITICAL RALLIES TO ORGANIZE THAT WE GET TIRED OF THE BUSY WORK OF ACTUALLY MAKING LAWS AND WE DON'T WANT TO MAKE OURSELVES ACCOUNTSABLE FOR THEABLE FOR THE LAWS WE PASS. WE HEREBY PASS A LAW THAT SAYS WE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA SHALL HAVE GOOD LAW AND DELEGATE THE UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON THE CREATION OF GOOD LAWS. THE POWER TO PROMULGATE AN INTERPRET AND ENFORCE GOOD LAWS IN THE UNITED STATES. WHAT CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES DO YOU SEE THERE? >> SENATOR, THE CONGRESS IS ASSIGNED THE LEGISLATIVE POWER IN ARTICLE ONE OF THE CONSTITUTION. ...

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02:02:50
Mike Lee Mike Lee

IF IT DELEGATES WHOLESALE, THE CONSTITUTIONAL POWER TO

02:02:56
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

ANOTHER BODY THEN THAT NATURALLY POSES A QUESTION OF WHETHER THE BODY EXERCISING THAT POWER ULTIMATELY HAS IMPROPERLY EXERCISED THE LEGISLATIVE POWER AND WHETHER THAT RULE OR WHAT HAVE YOU THAT'S ENACTED BY THAT BODY IS LAWFUL BECAUSE IT WAS NOT ENACTED BY CONGRESS. THE FRAMERS INTENDED THAT CONGRESS WOULD ENACT THE LAWS AND THE EXECUTIVE WOULD ENFORCE THE LAWS AND THAT THE JUDICIARY WOULD RESOLVE CASES AND CONTROVERSIES ARISING UNDER THOSE LAWS. >> YET IN SOME RESPECTS IT'S NOT THAT FAR REMOVED FROM SOME OF WHAT WE DO TODAY. IN SOME CASES WE'LL SAY WE SHALL HAVE GOOD LAW IN AREA X AND WE GIVE COMMISSION Y THE POWER TO MAKE AND ENFORCE GOOD LAWS IN THAT AREA. IS THERE SOME POINT AT WHICH WE CROSS A THRESHOLDS ...

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02:03:56
Mike Lee Mike Lee

OF UNCONSTITUTIONAL UNCONSTITUTIONAL DELEGATION? >> THERE'S A NON-DELEGATION PRINCIPAL. UNDER CURRENT PRECEDENT IT'S ALLOWED THE DELEGATION AND I DON'T WANT TO GET TOO SPECIFIC HERE BUT IT'S ALLOWED SOME DELEGATION. SOME JUSTICES OR JUDGES WOULD SAY WHEN THE EXECUTIVE ENACTS RULES PER RULES PURSUANT THAT'S THE DELEGATION POWER. THE SUPREME COURT HAS A DOCTRINE ON THE NON-DELEGATION PRINCIPAL AND THE LINE IS DEBATED ON WHERE THAT SHOULD BE DRAWN. THERE'S PRECEDENT THAT DOES SUGGEST AT SOME POINT CONGRESS CAN GO TOO FAR IN HOW MUCH POWER IT DELEGATES TO AN EXECUTIVE OR INDEPENDENT AGENCY. >> WHEN WE DO THAT, AT SOME POINT, WE'RE SHIRKING OUR OWN RESPONSIBILITIES. WE'RE CONSOLIDATING INTO ONE BODY, THE POWER THE MAKE AND ENFORCE LAWS. I WANT TO GET TO THE CAMPAIGN FINANCE DISCUSSION. WITH REGARDS TO CITIZENS UNITED, DIDN'T THE SUPREME COURT UPHOLD THE DISCLOSURE ISSUE WITH CITIZENS UNITED? >> IT DID. I BELIEVE THAT WAS AN 8-1 MARGIN. >> YOU'VE WRITTEN ON THIS THERE THERE'S A DISTINCTION FOR FIRST AMENDMENT PURPOSES FOR CONSTITUTIONAL PURPOSES BETWEEN LAWS MANDATING DISCLOSURE AND LAWS BANNING THE DO AND SAYING OF SOMETHING, ISN'T THAT RIGHT? >> THAT IS WHAT THE SUPREME COURT HAS SAID IN CERTAIN CONTEXT AND THAT IS THE LAW SET FORTH BY THE SUPREME COURT. CITIZENS UNITED IS A GOOD EXAMPLE OF THAT, SENATOR. >> IN CASE CALLED EMILY'S LIST VERSUS FEC YOU WROTE DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENTS TRIGGER A RIGHT THAT RECEIVE LESS FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTION AND OTHER TYPES OF SPEECH PROHIBITIONS. >> I THINK THAT FOLLOWED FROM SUPREME COURT LAW AND IS CONSISTENT, I BELIEVE, WITH SUBSEQUENT SUPREME COURT LAW CONTROLS. >> DO YOU HAVE A FAVORITE AMONG THE FEDERALIST PAPERS? >> I'M NOT ASKING YOU TO CHOOSE BETWEEN ELIZA -- >> NO. THAT'S RIGHT. YES. I LIKE A LOT OF FEDERALIST PAPERS. FEDERALIST 78, THE INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. FEDERALIST 69 THAT SAYS THE PRESIDENCY IS NOT A MONARCHY. I THINK THAT'S VERY IMPORTANT. FEDERALIST 10 WHICH TALKS ABOUT FACTIONS IN AMERICA AND EXPLAIN HAVING THE SEPARATION OF POWERS AND THE FEDERALIST DIVIDING POWER IN SO MANY DIFFERENT WAYS WOULD HELP PREVENT A FACTION FROM GAINING CONTROL OF THE ENTIRE, ALL THE POWER FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES AND THAT MAKES IT FRUSTRATING AT TIMES BECAUSE IT'S HARD TO HAVE LEGISLATION BUT THAT DIVISION OF POWER HELPS PROTECT INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY. I THINK THAT COMES A BIT FROM FEDERALIST TEN. FEDERALIST 37 AND 39 TALK ABOUT ON THE ONE HAND HOW WE'RE JUST TALKING LAWS THAT ARE THE CONSTITUTION OF TIME CAN BE LIQUIDATED BY HISTORICAL PRACTICE. WHAT DOES THAT MEAN? THAT MEANS AS THE BRANCHES FILL OUT THE MEANING OF THE ...

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02:07:59
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

CONSTITUTION OVER TIME WITH PRACTICES, THOSE CAN BE RELEVANT IN HOW THE COURT INTERPRETS CERTAIN PROVISIONS. WE SEE THAT IN GAMES AND WAR

02:08:08
Mike Lee Mike Lee

VERSUS REAGAN. WE TALK ALSO ABOUT THE NATIONAL AND FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SO THE COMBINATION IN 39. THE COMBINATION THAT WE HAVE THIS ODD -- THAT'S THE GENIUS WRITES OF WRITES-OF HAVING THE GOVERNMENT. THAT INTERESTING COMPROMISE WHICH MADISON WAS OPPOSED TO. THE COMPROMISE AT THE CONVENTION. FEDERALIST 47, THE ACCUMULATION OF ALL POWER IN ONE BODY IS THE VERY DEFINITION OF TYRANNY. I START MY SEPARATION OF POWERS CLASS EVERY YEAR WITH THAT EXACT QUOTE THAT YOU READ YESTERDAY. THAT'S VERY IMPORTANT. SORRY. I'VE GOT LIKE EIGHT KIDS. >> IT'S ...

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02:09:06
Brett M. Kavanaugh Brett M. Kavanaugh

BRILLIANT. I THINK THAT'S GREATEST HISTORIES LIST. IF THESE WERE ON SPOTIFY, I'D SAY YOU PUT TOGETHER A LIST OF THOSE. LET'S CLOSE IN THE MINUTE AND A HALF I'VE GOT LEFT. I GIVE MYSELF AN ADDITIONAL 30 SECONDS BECAUSE OF THE TWO INTERRUPTIONS THERE. TELL ME HOW YOU WERE INFORMED BY FEDERALIST 51 AND,000 HOW THAT RELATES TO YOUR ROLE AS A JURIST AS A D.C. CIRCUIT AND THE ROLE YOU WOULD PLAY IF YOU WERE APPOINTED TO THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. THIS UNDERSTANDING THAT GOVERNMENT IS AN EXERCISE IN UNDERSTANDING HUMAN NATURE. IF WE WERE ANGELS, WE WOULDN'T NEED GOVERNMENT AND IF WE HAD ACCESS TO ANGELS, WE WOULDN'T NEED THESE RULES. HOW THE THAT AFFECT YOU AS A JUDGE WHEN TRYING TO INTERPRET THE INSTITUTION AND TRYING TO INTERPRET ACTS TAKEN PURRSUANT THERE? >> THAT'S AN INTERESTING QUESTION. I THINK WE RECOGNIZE THAT WE'RE ALL IMPERFECT. ALL OF US AS HUMANS ARE IMPERFECT. THAT INCLUDES JUDGES AND THAT INCLUDES LEGISLATOR AND ALL OF US ARE IMPERFECT. WE RECOGNIZE THAT IN HOW WE GO ABOUT SETTING UP OUR GOVERNMENT. IF THERE WERE SOME PERFECT GROUP OF PEOPLE, WE WOULD PUT ALL THE POWER IN THAT ONE BODY BUT BECAUSE WE'RE IMPERFECT PUTTING ALL THE POWER IN THAT ONE BODY WOULD BE THE DEFINITION OF TYRANNY. THE WAY WE DEAL WITH THE IMPERFECTION WHILE ALSO HAVING A GOVERNMENT BECAUSE WE'RE IMPERFECT IS DIVIDING THE POWER, SEPARATING THE POWER AND TO MY MIND THAT ALL REENFORCES WHY THE FRAMERS, THE GENIUS -- THE LEGISLATIVE POWER AND HAVING A FEDERALISM SYSTEM WHERE WE HAVE STATE GOVERNMENTS THAT CAN FURTHER PROTECT LIBERTY AND LABORATORIES OF DEMOCRACY AS WELL. ...

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02:11:12
Mike Lee Mike Lee

STATE GOVERNMENTS THAT CAN FURTHER PROTECT LIBERTY AND LABORATORIES OF DEMOCRACY AS WELL. I THINK THAT'S BECAUSE WE'RE IMPERFECT AND WE RECOGNIZE THE IMPERFECTIONS. IT'S ALSO WHY WE HAVE A JURY SYSTEM. EVEN WITHIN THE JUDICIARY WE DIDN'T TRUST A JUDGE TO TRIALS ON HIS OR HER OWN -- CRIMINAL TRIALS OR CIVIL TRIALS. WE HAVE A JURY SYSTEM TO RECOGNIZE AND WE HAVE USUALLY 12. THAT IS DESIGNED TO RECOGNIZE WE'RE IMPERFECT AND THAT'S WHY WE HAVE GROUP DECISION MAKING. THAT'S WHY WE HAVE 535 LEGISLATURES LEGISLATURES. THAT'S WHY WE HAVE NINE JUSTICES. WE DON'T USUALLY HAVE ONE PERSON. WE MAKE SURE NO ONE PERSON IN A JURY SITUATION OR OTHER SITUATIONS CAN BE AFFECTED IS EXERCISING TOTAL CONTROL. THANK YOU VERY MUCH. MY TIME IS EXPIRED. I'M NOT THE CHAIRMAN OF THIS COMMITTEE EVEN THOUGH I'M PLAYING HIM ON TV. I UNDERSTAND WE'RE SUPPOSED TO TAKE A TEN-MINUTE BREAK. TEN MINUTES. THE SENATE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE TAKING A SHORT BREAK. THIS THE SECOND DAY OF BRETT KAVANAUGH'S HEARING. OUTSIDE LEGAL EXPERTS ARE PLANNED FOR FRIDAY INCLUDING TESTIMONY FROM JOHN DEAN. THERE ARE SOME QUESTION AS TO THE LENGTH OF TODAY'S HERING. HERE'S WHAT HAPPENED. AT THE START OF TODAY'S FLOOR ACTION, LEADER McCONNELL ASKING FOR CONSENT TO WAIVER THE TWO HOUR RULE. SOMETHING THAT'S REQUESTED ON A DAILY BASIS WHEN THE SENATE IS OBJECTED. SENATOR SCHUMER OBJECTED SAYING THE SENATORS NEEDED MORE DOCUMENTS TO MAKE A VOTE. SINCE THE SENATE CONVENED AT NOON, THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE WOULD HAVE HAD TO END BY 2:00 P.M. EASTERN. IN ORDER TO ALLOW THE HEARING TO PROCEED, SENATOR McCONNELL ADJOURNED THE SENATE FOR THE DAY UNTIL NOON TOMORROW. ...

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